Intellectual Foundations and Historical Formation of Kemalism

SUMMARY
Kemalism is a product of the Turkish revolution that started during the Turkish War of Independence. The concept of Kemalism was used for the first time by Western writers and later it was called “Atatürkçülük” in Turkish. Western writers have accepted Atatürk's principles as the ideology of Kemalism. After the First World War, the Kemalist movement became known for its nationalist and independent character. Kemalism is not a doctrine. Kemalism is an anti-imperialist ideology and has affected Middle Eastern societies. Kemalism is not only important as an ideology. The main importance of this ideology is that it is a symbol of successful resistance to Western domination. Therefore, it is necessary to consider Kemalism not among dogmatic totalitarian ideologies, but among democratic ideologies with a rationalist and pragmatic nature. The main thesis of this article is; That Kemalism, as a revolutionary ideology, is both a symbol of political developments in many Asian, African and especially Middle Eastern countries, and to some extent in Latin American countries. Kemalism; It also influenced the leaders of underdeveloped countries such as Gandhi, Nehru, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, Jamal Abdel Nasser, Habib Bourguiba, Hayri Boumedien. Kemalism is a development ideology that was first seen in an underdeveloped country and has undergone a historical test.

Introduction
The last two centuries of human history show a remarkable richness in terms of currents of thought. In this process, sometimes opposite and sometimes very close to each other, currents of thought were put forward, but some of them could not go beyond having only a theoretical meaning, and some of them; have found the opportunity to practice in various societies, one of which has been the Kemalism Ideology* implemented in Turkey by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) in the last century. Before moving on to the historical formation and characteristics of Kemalism, it would be useful to briefly dwell on the name of this practice.
Kemalism takes its name from Mustafa Kemal, the leader of the national resistance against the occupation of Anatolia, after the Armistice of Mudros signed by the Ottoman Empire on October 30, 1918, at the end of the First World War. The imperialist powers working to break this resistance and their collaborator Damat Ferit governments initially termed these resisters as Kemalists or Kemalists with a somewhat contemptuous approach1. With this approach, collaborator Damat Ferit and his supporters almost likened the Kemalists to the Celali rebels who had risen against the Ottoman rule centuries ago, and perhaps inspired by the name given to these rebellions2, they used the term Kemalists not only for Mustafa Kemal's supporters, but also for all Kuva-yı Milliye members. . However, Kemalist or Kemalist Movement, In those years, it gradually gained respect not only in Anatolia, but also in all Muslim societies in the colonial position of the East, and these societies described the success of this resistance, to which they provided material and moral support, as Kemalist Victory3. Thus, Kemalist Victory began to shine as a source of pride and a beacon of hope not only for the Turkish nation, but also for the oppressed colonial societies of the East.
After the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, Western statesmen had to accept the success of the Turkish national resistance in Anatolia, which they regarded as a gang movement in the previous period, especially Western scientists, towards the 1930s, were important from the orders such as Communism and Fascism that were on the agenda in those years. They named this new practice, which showed differences, as Kemalism, in accordance with the name of its founder4.
In Turkey, the concept of Kemalism began to be used in the 1930s, and the fourth volume of the history series, the first edition of which was published in 1931 by the Turkish Historical Society (Türk Tarihi Tetkik Cemiyeti), is included in the fourth volume describing the History of the Republic of Turkey. After the information was given, the following comment was made for Kemalism;
“These are the basic principles of the Turkish revolution movement, which foreign authors (authors) call “Kemalism” in relation to the name of the Great National Chief. The state system based on these principles is not only the most suitable for the history, needs, social structure and ideals of the Turkish nation, but also the most solid and perfect among all systems in the world.
Especially after this date, the frequent use of the concept of Kemalism by scientists has come to the fore, and scientific articles and books have begun to be written on this new concept. Although Kemalism came to the fore as a party ideology in the Second Great Congress of the Republican People's Party held between 15-20 October 1927, the name "Kemalism" was not used in this congress, even if it was openly or implicitly. The most important event that marked the congress; It was the Great Discourse of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) consisting of three volumes in which important military, political and social events between the years (1919-1927) were told. In his Grand Speech, which includes a historical reckoning, as did the important Turkish leaders in history, Atatürk, besides the historical events that took place during the National Struggle; He also gave important clues about the foundations of Kemalism. However, it is not witnessed that neither Mustafa Kemal nor the other participants used the concept of Kemalism in this congress. In this speech, Mustafa Kemal, in front of the Turkish nation and history, with a great candor, made a defense of the achievements gained during eight years and the sacrifices endured to realize them, which is rare in the world. In addition, in this congress; The principles (Republicanism, Populism, Nationalism, Secularism) that numbered four in those years were “expanded, the party principles were clarified more, and the General Presidency of Atatürk, the founder of the party, was approved”6. In this speech, in front of the Turkish nation and history, with great candor, he made a defense of the achievements of eight years and the sacrifices endured to realize them, which is rare in the world. In addition, in this congress; The principles (Republicanism, Populism, Nationalism, Secularism) that numbered four in those years were “expanded, the party principles were clarified more, and the General Presidency of Atatürk, the founder of the party, was approved”6. In this speech, in front of the Turkish nation and history, with great candor, he made a defense of the achievements of eight years and the sacrifices endured to realize them, which is rare in the world. In addition, in this congress; The principles (Republicanism, Populism, Nationalism, Secularism) that numbered four in those years were “expanded, the party principles were clarified more, and the General Presidency of Atatürk, the founder of the party, was approved”6.
As we mentioned above, before the Third Great Congress of the CHP convened on May 15, 1931, the basic innovations of the Turkish Revolution were completed, while the number of principles of Kemalism had increased to six with the adoption of the principles of Statism and Revolutionism. For this reason, the Third Great Congress has a special importance and meaning for the intellectual development of Kemalism. On the other hand, this congress gathered in the shadow of the public's interest in the liberal Liberal Republican Party, which was founded about a year ago, and the Menemen Incident, which took place after this party was closed. In addition, this Convention was held at a time when the negative effects of the world economic crisis continued. The effects of this crisis caused an increase in distrust towards liberalism in Turkish administrators, especially Atatürk.
More importantly, İsmet Pasha's government failed especially in economic policies in those years, and in addition, the low yields as a result of the drought in 1930 increased the livelihood of the people. In addition to all these, the abolition of the capitulations pursuant to Article 28 of the Treaty of Lausanne made Turkey an attractive country for foreign investors, as it used to be. The departure of foreign investors after this development created important gaps in many areas in this country, which is a society with an underdeveloped national trade and industrial bourgeoisie. The Encouragement-i Industry Law adopted in 1927, which we can describe as an attempt to create a national bourgeoisie in Turkey, was not enough to achieve the desired goal. These deficiencies and difficulties in the economic sense, revealed the necessity of the state to enter the economy and industry first and to take urgent measures. In other words, it was understood that the political and legal equality provided by the principles of Populism and Republicanism would not mean much unless it was strengthened by economic measures, and the political regime would be under constant threat.
The Menemen Incident, on the other hand, was a clear proof that the Turkish revolution was under a significant intellectual threat and brought the necessity of acting more carefully on secularism to the agenda. The Free Republic Party, which was envisaged to serve as a supervisory body in August 1930 and was founded by the liberal-leaning Ali Fethi (Okyar), who was the former Prime Minister and one of Atatürk's closest friends, upon the recommendation of Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) himself, was shown by the public in a very short time. interest was more than just the reaction of counter-revolutionaries.
To put it briefly; In addition to the previous four principles, it was deemed necessary for the Third Great Congress to decide on the introduction of the principles of Statism and Revolutionism into the party program and their implementation as soon as possible. Thus, the basic principles of Kemalism, which became the symbol of the CHP and symbolized by the “Six Arrows”, took their place in the party program as a whole in this congress. After this congress, the concept of Kemalism began to take its place more frequently in the publications of the state and private individuals. Even the increase in the number of principles of Kemalism from four to six in the congress can be shown as clear proof that Kemalism was not based on a certain theory from the very beginning, and that it was an ideology that emerged as a result of real-life practices, by testing its scientificity.
After the acceptance of the six principles of Kemalism, intensive studies were started to put this thought system into a certain scientific and theoretical framework. One of the most notable of these studies is Ülkü Journal, which was published by the People's Houses Headquarters in 1932 and tried to establish and defended the theoretical framework of Kemalism in the official sense. This journal, which could reach a community that could be considered important in Turkey at that time, could be described as a mirror of thought reflecting the views of ordinary public intellectuals as well as important scientists of the time, although it had a political and ideological purpose. In almost every issue of this magazine, articles aiming to adopt the ideology of Kemalism to large communities were published and the magazine fulfilled an important function in this respect. For example; Nusret Koymen, In an article titled “Kemalism and Political Knowledge”; After emphasizing the historical formation and content of Kemalism, he stated the necessity of establishing Kemalism in a scientific theory as follows;
“One of the great duties of Turkish intellectuals today is to study Kemalism and to work with scientific methods, as in every branch of positive knowledge on politics. It is only in this way that we can turn the policy, which is the science of making use of the laws of society, into a “community engineering…”7.
In another article titled “The Characteristics of Kemalism”, Köymen states that Atatürk;
“There is more intuition than any genius, a strength of belief, and besides these, unlike prophets, there is a fast and infallible objective vision, a solid and positive mind of science, and an infallible critic's intelligence. He tried to emphasize the connections of this ideology with scientific thought, saying that it is necessary to look for the greatest characteristic of Kemalism in its objective observation and positive scholarship. With this approach, it was aimed to emphasize that rationalism, which constitutes the basic idea on which Western civilization is based, also existed in Kemalism.
Kadro Magazine, which has participated in the publication life since 1932 and which includes intellectuals very close to Atatürk; He tried to evaluate Kemalism with a slightly more left-wing approach than Ülkü, who reflected his official point of view, and tried to create a more transparent theoretical framework. Even the name of Kadro Magazine, which includes intellectuals such as Yakup Kadri (Karaosmanoğlu), Şevket Süreyya (Aydemir), Vedat Nedim (Tör), İsmail Hüsrev (Tökin), Burhan Asaf (Document), among its founders and authors, is the name of this theorist of Kemalism. It clearly revealed the responsibility awareness of the youth. Kadro, which contains dozens of articles on Kemalism's understanding of political, economic and social order, ended its publication life in 1934, but the approaches of this journal on Kemalism, continued in later generations. For example; Direction Magazine, published by Doğan Avcıoğlu and his friends in the 1960s, can be said to be another aspect of this interaction.
The CHP Fourth Great Congress, in which Kemalism was given its ideological final form, was held on May 9-16, 1935, approximately one year after the implementation of statism. This is the first congress in which women who gained their political rights in 1934 also participated as parliamentarians. From this point of view, it can be said that the Fourth Congress, in addition to being a congress that widens the democratic base, also contributes to the redefinition of the party ideology in accordance with the changes in the world. Referring to the democratic change in Turkey, the Convention;
Even the fact that the party adopts the new understanding of "giving citizens rights and duties, separating men and women..."9 clearly reveals this change. It can be said that women contributed actively and significantly to the intellectual formation of Kemalism in this congress, where women were officially represented for the first time as a requirement of the democratic understanding.
The concept of “Kemalizm (Kamâlizm)” was used for the first time in the party program in the Fourth Great Congress, and in the introductory part of the party program, which was accepted in the session held on Monday, May 13, 1935;
“The main lines of our imaginations, which are not only for a few years but also for the future, are written here collectively. All these principles that are the basis of the party (Kamalism) are the way”10 and the six principles were defined for the last time, which will take their place in the second article of the constitution on February 5, 1937, without any changes.
CHP General Secretary Recep Peker, who took the floor at the Fourth Great Congress on the same day and made comments on the ideology of Kemalism, criticized totalitarian ideologies in his speech; Emphasizing that “Anarchist, Marxist, Fascist, Caliphate and internationalist propagandas always pass us by...”, he emphasized that Turkey has closed its doors to such movements with the “Nationalism Lock”11, arguing that the national state is “not an arbitrary administration”; He commented, “What we understand is the private enterprise of everyone in a national state-ordered administration”12. It is understood that Peker, who also harshly criticized liberalism in his speech, had serious concerns about establishing a delicate balance between labor and capital, and if this was not done, class struggles might arise in Turkey.
In the Fourth Great Congress, which was the last major congress that Atatürk attended, a consensus was reached on important issues such as implementing statism more effectively, controlling private enterprise, prohibiting strikes and lockouts, making enough landlords for Turkish farmers, protecting consumers, and effectively fighting against reaction. . In this congress, in the third article of the party program;
“The main theory of the state: Turkey; It is a nationalist, populist, statist, secular and revolutionary republic. Power is one, sovereignty belongs to the nation…”13 After long discussions, the six principles of Kemalism were redefined with pure Turkish words.
After the use of the concept of Kemalism in the Fourth Great Congress, the increase in publications under the name of Kemalism draws attention. Among these publications; Tekin Alp's “Kemalizm (Le Kémalisme)”, published in Turkish in 1936 and in French in 1937; "Kamalism" by Şeref Aykut, the Saylav of Edirne in 1936; M. Saffet Engin's two-volume books called “Principles of the Kemalist Revolution” are the first ones that come to mind. Although many publications were made on Kemalism in the two years after the congress, it is understood that M. Kemal Atatürk did not use the concept of Kemalism. In our opinion, the most important reason for this is; In his usual modesty, he avoided the conclusion that all the work was done to him. However, today, despite the emphasis on the concept of Kemalism, which was updated especially after 1980,
Two years after the six principles of Kemalism were included in the CHP program in 1935, on February 5, 1937, a motion bearing the signatures of Malatya Deputy-Prime Minister İsmet İnönü and his 153 friends was unanimously approved by the 399 members of the Parliament, who participated in the voting. It is understood that it is included in the second article. After this change, the second article of the constitution;
“The Turkish State is republican, nationalist, populist, statist, secular and revolutionary. Its official language is Turkish. Makarri (Capital) is the city of Ankara”14.
Thus, the concept of Kemalism, which was also included in the party program before, continued to be called with the same name for a while (until 1947) after the transition to the multi-party period, as a clear sign of the party-state identity in those years. During this period, the concepts of “Kemalism” and “Kemalist” were also frequently used by Atatürk's last Prime Minister Mahmut Celâl Bayar and Second President İsmet İnönü15.
After these determinations about Kemalism, it would be useful to briefly dwell on the historical development and intellectual structure of Kemalism. First of all, Kemalism is not a doctrine that is based on rigid patterns and based on unchangeable theories. If it is both doctrine16 and ideology, as some writers argue, it is not at all. Kemalism, especially political scientist Prof. Dr. As Ahmet Taner Kışlalı correctly puts it, it is an ideology17. prof. As Kislali emphasized, Kemalism, if understood well;
“While the Marxist ideology, which Lenin tried to adapt to the conditions of Russia, was emerging; By making use of liberalism and socialism, Mustafa Kemal tried to prevent the possibility of the emergence of the revolutionary ideology that he tried to create according to Turkey's conditions. Emphasizing that ideological stereotypes are incompatible with a rapid change process, he pioneered the understanding of "permanent revolutionism" in a sense. Contrary to what some argue, Kemalism has an ideology, but no "teaching" (doctrine) 18.
In other words, the vast majority of scholars agree that Kemalism is an ideology19. After making this determination, what are the intellectual foundations of Kemalism? Let's try to answer the question briefly.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who gave his name to Kemalism, was undoubtedly influenced by the intellectuals and thinkers of the foreign intellectuals and the Turkish society to which he belonged, as a Turkish intellectual. Among the Turkish intellectuals of Atatürk's education years; Thessaloniki Military High School French Teacher Nakiyüddin (Yücekök), Monastery High School History Teacher Mehmet Tevfik (Bilge), “Namik Kemal, who instilled the concepts of homeland and freedom to new generations; Besides the national poet Mehmet Emin (Yurdakul), who expressed Turkishness and Turkish feeling instead of Ottomanism, and Tevfik Fikret, who resisted tyranny and turned to humanity and rise; Şehbenderzade Hilmi 20 and the theorist of Turkism, the famous thinker Ziya Gökalp, can be counted among the first to come to mind.
According to the memoirs of Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Atatürk's close friend in those years; M. Kemal memorized Namık Kemal's Vatan Kasidesi during his Military Academy years and recommended that his other friends read it as well21. The effects of these writers and thinkers can be seen in Mustafa Kemal in the following years. For example; In the speech he delivered in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on January 13, 1921, right after the First Battle of İnönü, the famous thinker Namık Kemal;
"The enemy has put his dagger in the heart of the homeland, Isn't he lucky to save his black metal?" remembering the lines
“Here, from this rostrum, I say, in the capacity of the head of this assembly, on behalf of every member of your delegation and on behalf of the whole nation; Let the enemy put his dagger in the bosom of the homeland, his lucky black metal that will be found and saved”22.
Indeed, after two difficult years for him and the Turkish nation, M. Kemal was going to keep his promise to both his nation and Namık Kemal and save the Turkish nation's "fortune black mine (mother)".
There are some important examples showing that Mustafa Kemal was influenced by Tevfik Fikret, who resisted tyranny. While explaining his longing for freedom and his ideal as “I am a poet with a free mind, a free conscience, a free knowledge, a poet”23, in the speech he delivered at the Teachers' Union Congress on 25 August 1924, he explained his expectations from the teachers;
He would say, “The Republic demands from you generations with free ideas, free conscience, and free knowledge”24. Another example in this regard is that in the speech he gave to teachers and students at İzmir Primary Teachers' School, he again quoting Fikret and
emphasizing the place of women in society with another verse by saying, “Of course, if a woman becomes miserable, a human being will be degraded…”25.
Undoubtedly, Ziya Gökalp is one of the important thinkers who influenced Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) intellectually. However, as some do, it is not correct to count Gökalp as the only ideologue of Kemalism. Because, although Gökalp influenced the intellectuals of the second constitutional period, since some of his thoughts were imaginary, they would not be put into practice and would remain on paper. In addition, Ziya Gökalp would never give up his religious approaches and Eastern thought. Gokalp, who passed away at the beginning of the Turkish revolution, would applaud Mustafa Kemal as "the greatest man of Turkism"26 by making his own self-criticism in his work titled "The Principles of Turkism". Moreover, among the innovations that Kemalism put into practice, especially nationalism, secularism, republicanism, statism, legal revolution, alphabet, There are important differences of opinion between Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk) and Gökalp on issues such as women's rights. On this and many similar issues, Gökalp was almost stuck between the Turkish-Islamic-Western triangle, and he was indecisive about which one would be more dominant. In particular, the fact that he included the religion element in his understanding of nationalism, that he could not propose a radical solution to economic problems, and that he could not adequately reflect a real understanding of revolution in the political and social sense caused Gökalp to remain within the eastern-conservative borders. In other words, the "reform" understanding of the second constitutional monarchy gives the impression of a continuation of the reform understanding of the Tanzimat period. Because the Western sense innovations, which were limited to military institutions and started in the Tulip Era, with the aspirations and efforts of the political power in the Ottoman society, It continued with the Nizam-ı Cedit of Selim III, and Mahmut II's wide-ranging innovation movements gained a significant momentum with the Tanzimat. In this period, with the Reform Edict of 1856, a new process was entered under the "Western hegemony", and in this process, the Turkish national identity was tried to be neutralized with the pressure and direction of the British, French and then German. Again, there was no change in this sense during the constitutional monarchy period, which was accepted by Western pressure, neither Gökalp and his friends who were in favor of centralism, Prince Sabahattin and his supporters who were in favor of liberalism, nor Abdullah Cevdet and other intellectuals, who advocated an unlimited Westernism, were the leaders of the Ottoman Empire. They failed to realize that the state could not be truly liberated without being liberated from its semi-colonial position and completely abolished its monarchical structure. Because at that time, the most powerful empire in the world; A social and economic order that was oppressed under the pressure of foreign monopolies, whose basic resources were seized by the Duyun-u Umumiye, which was made a slave by a non-national commercial-industrial bourgeoisie, and its outdated social and political institutions, which are controlled by foreign powers, are semi-autonomous in all aspects. a state that could be called a colony remained. In order to change this structure, the model proposed by constitutionalist intellectuals, especially Gökalp, reflects the longing of only a small group of elitist groups and was not based on a broad consensus adopted by the large masses. Therefore, from the very beginning, it had almost condemned itself to failure. This fact
He said, “I invite you to duty to respond to a dire tyranny only with a revolution, to overthrow the outdated rotten administration, to make the nation dominant, and to save the homeland.”27
Major General Mustafa Kemal, who saw that his predictions were reinforced after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the great war, wrote to the page of his memoir dated July 6, 1918;
He also made a note saying, "If great authority and power comes into my hands, I think I can implement the desired revolution in our social life with a coup"28.
These approaches of Mustafa Kemal believed that the existing problems could not be solved without the abolition of the colonial order mentioned earlier and the establishment of an independent and national state with its political, economic and social institutions. M. Kemal, who gave detailed information on this subject in his Great Discourse, thought that the Ottoman Empire had completed its historical life. Because according to him; The salvation of the Turkish nation was impossible without the destruction of these institutions, which had left the Turkish nation behind for centuries, and the establishment of institutions that would enable the nation to advance in accordance with the highest civilizational needs29. When the developments after Mustafa Kemal's departure to Samsun are examined well, it is not difficult to understand this fact.
Before the official occupation of Istanbul, Misak-ı Millî (National Andean) was sent to Istanbul, the majority of which was in favor of the resistance, and the intellectual foundations were largely prepared by Mustafa Kemal and accepted by the Parliament on 28 January 1920, 23 April 1920 It would also be adopted on July 18 by the Turkish Grand National Assembly opened in Ankara on July 1830. This document, which can be accepted as a “social contract” on which the national state is based and a “political program” of the War of Independence, can be considered as one of the most important building blocks placed on the historical foundations of Kemalism.
The documents published by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, in which Mustafa Kemal was elected President, after discussing the political power, emphasize that this assembly will strive to achieve two main objectives, one of which is; "defending against the attacks of imperialist and capitalist enemies" aiming to destroy the life and independence of the nation and punishing those who act contrary to this aim; the second was determined as "to bring prosperity and happiness" instead of "removing the causes of poverty that the people have been facing for a long time with new tools and institutions"31. It was also assured that the general tendencies and national values ​​of the people would be taken into account during the realization of all these aims. Although it is mentioned at the beginning of this declaration that "the Caliphate and Sultanate will be saved",
“If the aim is to reiterate the loyalty to today's caliph and sultan, this person is a traitor. It is the tool that the enemies use to do evil against the homeland and nation. A traitor or a person who is forbidden to use his authority cannot actually be a caliph or sultan…”32.
Thus, Mustafa Kemal defended clearly and unequivocally that he did not know the sultan and the caliph, on the contrary, that this person was a "traitor". Mustafa Kemal's statement can be seen as an important spark of the action to be taken against these institutions when the time comes. The Ottoman sultanate would be forced to withdraw from the stage of history.
One of the important steps taken by the President of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Mustafa Kemal, was the “Declaration of Populism (Program)”, which he presented to the Assembly between 13-18 September 192033. This declaration, which has the characteristics of a political program, has an important place in our history not only in terms of being a basic source for the 1921 constitution, but also in terms of making the aims and objectives of Kemalism clear.
Kemalist Revolution not only defeated the occupation forces but also put an end to the historical existence of individuals and institutions that were in cooperation with the old order, in a short time like two years, after gathering all political tendencies under the roof of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and achieving social reconciliation. In other words, the Kemalist Revolution, by waging a double struggle with an unprecedented practice in the world, also eliminated both the imperialist powers and the outdated internal order consisting of their collaborators. This historical development is a peculiar feature of Kemalism, which is not even encountered in the French and Soviet revolutions, whose universality we accept. Because neither the French revolutionaries nor Viladimir Ivanovich Lenin and his “comrades” were caught between two fires like the Kemalists. they struggled only with those at the head of power, or with their supporters. However, the Kemalist Revolution, in the second parliamentary period, first eliminated the opposition groups that were not in favor of the revolution, eliminated an important obstacle, laid the foundations of economic and political independence by putting an end to the Capitulations and foreign monopolies with the Treaty of Lausanne, making Ankara the capital, proclamation of the Republic. determined the national identity of the new state, in other words; It has completed the “revolution” phase. laid the foundations of economic and political independence, determined the national identity of the new state with important changes such as making Ankara the capital and the proclamation of the Republic, in other words; It has completed the “revolution” phase. laid the foundations of economic and political independence, determined the national identity of the new state with important changes such as making Ankara the capital and the proclamation of the Republic, in other words; It has completed the “revolution” phase.
Following these developments, the political, social and economic structuring process mentioned in the Declaration of Populism was initiated. In fact, since the "Revolution" phase of the Turkish Revolution and the "Revolution" phase of the Turkish Revolution were intertwined, it is very difficult to date them precisely. The "revolution" carried out by the Kemalist movement in the next fifteen years is not a superstructure revolution, as some claim. Because Mustafa Kemal never believed that the idea of ​​"proletarian revolution" would be successful in a society where the national bourgeoisie was not fully formed and there was only about 20,000 organized workers, and the agenda of the Kemalist movement did not include a "socialist revolution". According to Mustafa Kemal; In those years, the future of socialism was not fully clear even in Russia34. Whereas, Although the Turkish revolution was made with and on behalf of the people from the beginning, it was not a socialist revolution. The cooperation with the Soviets in those years and later was based on a mutual interest based on an anti-imperialist basis. Soviet leader Lenin, being aware of this compromise, sent an envoy to Ankara, S. İ. In his instructions to Aralov, he made it clear that he knew that M. Kemal was not a socialist35.
Kemalism has acted with an anti-imperialist understanding from the very beginning, and there has never been a change in Mustafa Kemal's anti-imperialist perspective in the following years. Mustafa Kemal expressed this approach, which he put forward at the very beginning of the War of Independence, at a dinner given by the Soviet ambassador Aralov in honor of the Iranian ambassador Mümtazuddevle İsmail Khan on 7 July 1922;
“If Turkey's struggle had been for its own sake, maybe it would have been shorter, less bloody and could have ended more quickly. Turkey is making a determined and important effort. Because it is the cause of all the oppressed nations and all the Eastern people that it defends, and until it comes to an end, Turkey is sure that the Eastern nations that are with it will march together”36.
That's why the Muslim societies of the Eastern world, who were colonial at that time, and their leaders joined the Turkish War of Independence;
They regarded it as the "greatest victory of Islam against Christianity, the East against the West, Asia against Europe, and Kemalist Turkey against imperialist England" 37.
Kemalism, especially in Germany and Italy, in the 1930s During the rise of fascism, there were those who compared it to this regime. At that time, M. Kemal did not refrain from criticizing the fascist leaders at every opportunity and never cooperated with them. Moreover, the Italian leader Fascist Benito Mussolini's attack on Abyssinia;
Saying, “Is it not sad that I have to live in the world of this mountain of smugness, of this hyena in military boots who can destroy even innocent “Abyssinian savages” without hesitation?…I fought for my people, but above all I also fought for these innocent “wilds””38 was strongly condemned.
Mustafa Kemal did not hesitate to make it clear that he did not like German leader Adolf Hitler either. In an interview with the American journalist Ms. Gladya Baker; When it comes to Hitler and Mussolini; He stated that some leaders in Europe misrepresented nationalism to their own societies and "became the focal points of the attack", he announced the great disaster that humanity would have to experience three years later, and pointed out the necessity of taking urgent measures in this regard39.
Kemalists, who could not come to terms with the understanding of nationalism and social order of fascism, moreover, openly opposed the colonial and aggressive aims of this order and directed harsh criticism. Mustafa Kemal on this subject;
Saying, “Colonialism and imperialism will disappear on earth and a new age of harmony and cooperation will prevail among nations, which does not discriminate between nations of any colour, religion or race”40;
CHP General Secretary Recep Peker also expressed fascism;
He interpreted fascism as a way of politics that is opposed to class struggle, internationalism and political beliefs recognized by other classes and that denies democracy and parliamentarism brought by the liberation revolution of the sects...41 and wanted to draw attention to the anti-freedom side of this order.
Burhan Asaf (Document), one of the authors of Kadro Magazine, who tried to put Kemalism in a certain theoretical framework, also wrote in his article titled "Fascism and the Turkish National Liberation Movement", Italian scientist Dr. After criticizing Ettora Rossi's comparison between Kemalism and Fascism and explaining the differences between these two systems, she said, “Kemalism is a rebellion against colonialism… Kemalism will always constitute an ideal and a source of ideology for nations that have not yet realized national liberation movements…”42 He argued that Fascism was in no way similar to Kemalism.
At the CHP's Fourth Great Congress, where the intellectual foundations of Kemalism took their final shape, Recep Peker again criticizes both fascism and liberalism very harshly, and moreover, he claimed that liberalism is collapsing all over the world43.
To summarize briefly what has been said so far, especially the most authoritative people of Kemalism, the intellectuals of that period; They insistently emphasized that it is different from systems such as Fascism, Liberalism and Socialism. It is not appropriate to say that Kemalism, which differs from these systems, was not affected by the ideologies of those years. When the intellectual infrastructure of Kemalism is examined, this structure; It embraced the intellectual heritage of the nationalist, secular and westernized wing of the Young Turks, in other words; It can be said that it extends to the Enlightenment period, the French Revolution, Positivism, Solidarism, and the 19th century world view of scientists rather than Ottoman-Islamic traditions44.
Moreover, British historian Prof. Kemalism, as Arnold Toynbee rightly emphasized;
“Renaissance in the Western world, Reformation, XII. The scientific and cultural revolution of the end of the century, the French Revolution and the industrial revolutions…” was influenced by the methods applied and tried to reach the goals they aimed45.
Besides all this, Prof. With the expression of İsmet Giritli;
Kemalism is the ideology of a modernization-modernization-innovation-Westernization movement. In fact, Kemalism, in Niyazi Berkes' correct words, is the modernization trend that has been launched for two centuries to find the right path and to turn to it. Therefore, it is not possible to put this great historical and social event into one of the monist ideologies of the traditional West. Because Kemalism is a Pluralism that includes Pragmatism, Positivism and Realism”46.
Likewise, historian Prof. Dr. As Şerafettin Turan emphasized;
“There are traces of Rationalism (Rationalism) and Positivism (Positivism) in the foundations of the Turkish Revolution” and M. Kemal from Jéan Jack Rousseau, especially on Republicanism and the political regime; It was also influenced by the Declaration of Human Rights dated 26 August 1789 on the concept of freedom47. The effects of the French Revolution are seen in almost every phase of the Turkish Revolution. Because the French Revolution brought the method of perceiving the world with a viewpoint based on natural rights, which is a product of the Enlightenment Revolution. For this reason, it is a normal development that it affected the Turkish Revolution, which was based on the understanding of natural rights.
Mustafa Kemal clearly expressed these effects in his statement to the French newspaper Lé Matin on March 8, 1928, and gives the following information;
“The French Revolution rejected the idea of ​​freedom for the whole world, and this idea still has its basis and source. But since then, humanity has progressed. Turkish democracy has followed the path opened by the French Revolution, but has developed with its unique qualities. Because, every nation makes its revolution according to the pressure and needs of its social environment, its state and situation, and the time of this revolution and revolution”48.
As can be clearly understood from these words; Although it is accepted that the Turkish Revolution was affected by the French Revolution, each nation's own revolution; It is emphasized that the Turkish Revolution developed according to the pressures, tendencies, needs and conditions of its social environment and the conditions of the time when that revolution was made. Indeed, when the French Revolution and the historical process after it are examined well, it is understood that the industrial revolutions, constitutional orders, human rights became increasingly widespread in the post-revolutionary period and the understanding of nationalism left its mark on the nineteenth century. Mustafa Kemal points out that the Turkish Revolution also benefited from all these developments. Indeed, when these effects are well studied, they can be seen in the Turkish Revolution as well. However, M. Kemal, he has never acted with a copyist understanding, on the contrary, he has severely criticized those who have this understanding. For example: In an interview with young people in Konya on March 20, 1923; criticizing such intellectuals, he stated that there are great gaps between their thoughts and the tendencies of the people, that the ideals these intellectuals propose to the public are not taken from the "spirit and conscience" of the people, that our intellectuals who know the whole world do not know their own society and; He said, “While showing this nation the way to go, we have to extract the real foundation from ourselves, even though we benefit from all kinds of science, discovery and progress of the world”49. He stated that there are great gaps between their thoughts and the tendencies of the people, that the ideals these intellectuals propose to the people are not taken from the "spirit and conscience" of the people, that our intellectuals who know the whole world do not know their own society and; He said, “While showing this nation the way to go, we have to extract the real foundation from ourselves, even though we benefit from all kinds of science, discovery and progress of the world”49. He stated that there are great gaps between their thoughts and the tendencies of the people, that the ideals these intellectuals propose to the people are not taken from the "spirit and conscience" of the people, that our intellectuals who know the whole world do not know their own society and; He said, “While showing this nation the way to go, we have to extract the real foundation from ourselves, even though we benefit from all kinds of science, discovery and progress of the world”49.
Again on the same subject, in his last speech when he opened the Turkish Grand National Assembly on November 1, 1937;
“The one who drew our way; He wanted to draw attention to the national and universal formation of the Turkish Revolution and Kemalism by saying that the homeland we live in, the Turkish nation from which we emerge, and the leaves of the history of nations that have recorded a thousand and one disasters and sufferings.
When all these are combined, it can be understood by itself that Kemalism is a national ideology that is not copyist, does not contradict with universal ideas, but on the contrary overlaps.
While Mustafa Kemal criticizes those who find the Nine Umde (principles), which we can accept as the first program of the CHP, insufficient;
“There were some who found the program I published insufficient and short for a political party. “The People's Party has no program,” they said. Indeed, our program, called principles, was not a book like what the opponents saw; but it covered the basic principles and was applicable. We, too, could have written a book by gilding impracticable ideas with some theoretical details, but we did not. While working for the renewal and development of the nation in material and spiritual aspects; We preferred doing business to word and theory”51 said.
This speech of Atatürk is also very meaningful and important in terms of explaining that Kemalism is not doctrinal, but functional and applicable. Mustafa Kemal did not foresee wasting time with doctrines that are certain to remain on paper, in whole or in part.
In other words, Kemalism, as an ideology open to historical change, has accepted a change suitable for the development of reason and science. Marxist, Fascist and Theocratic etc. completely different from the concepts. Definitely accepting the change, Mustafa Kemal, while explaining this understanding, expressed the necessity of changing especially the economic problems and the solutions to be found according to the conditions of the time;
“Society does not stop. Economic problems are not just today's problems. It needs to evolve and progress over time. We are in this situation. But we cannot stay in this situation. That's why, when he said, "We will be revolutionary in every problem,"52 he put the principle of Revolutionism among the principles of Kemalism because he argued that changes are inevitable, but that these changes should be forward-looking, not backward.
The definition of this principle, which was made under the title of Revolutionism in the Fourth Great Congress of the Republican People's Party, is important in terms of understanding the changeism and functionality of Kemalism. In this congress, regarding the principle of Revolutionism; “The party does not adhere to gradual and evolutionary principles in order to find measures in the administration of the state. It will be said that it is essential for the party to adhere to and protect the principles that have emerged and matured from the revolutions that our nation has achieved with innumerable core data”53.
The understanding in this definition was that in this congress, where the final definition of Kemalism's revolutionary principle was made, it was envisaged that the problems would be solved with a revolutionary understanding, not an evolutionist approach, but that the basic principles "won by the nation's innumerable core values" would be adhered to. That's why; Mustafa Kemal, Prof. In the words of A. Taner Kislali; “He was aware that the conditions would change, that changing conditions would require new institutions and new breakthroughs. For this reason, he was against the stereotyping of Kemalist ideology and, in a sense, against freezing the revolution. He knew that in line with the circumstances, not only institutions but also ideas had to change. This is why Kemalism's Revolutionism principle also reflects an understanding of “permanent revolutionism”54.
The secularism principle of Kemalism was also influenced by an understanding that started with the Reform process, which constituted an important turning point in the Western enlightenment, and reached its zenith with the Enlightenment Revolution. Famous French thinker Descartes' "I think therefore I am!" It is understood that Kemalists were also influenced by Auguste Comte's Positivism. In Kemalism's understanding of secularism; Separating religious and worldly affairs, not using religion as a political, social and economic means of exploitation, allowing the state to interfere with those who do this, ensuring equality between men and women, eliminating religion from all kinds of superstitions and filtering it scientifically, instead of "divine rights and divine sovereignty", based on the understanding of "natural rights and national sovereignty", the state's protection of freedom of belief, It is in favor of making the activity of reason and scientific thought dominant, not beliefs and dogmas arising from them in worldly life. An understanding parallel to this understanding of secularism was expressed at the CHP's Fourth Great Congress, and it was accepted that this principle is "one of the main conditions for our nation to advance on the path of modern civilization"55.
Although the secularism principle of Kemalism belongs to Western thought, in the period of Atatürk, Turkey adhered to the theoretical framework envisaged by the Enlightenment Revolution. The practices in Turkey of that period could not be applied successfully enough even in France, which was considered the motherland of secularism. However, in Turkey, the separation of religion and state has not been contented with; After the abolition of the Sultanate and Caliphate, the articles related to religion were removed from the 1924 Constitution and the political order was secularized, the madrasahs were closed, the education-teaching unity was ensured, the natural law order was adopted, the new Turkish alphabet was accepted instead of the Arabic alphabet, and the Qur'an and Azan was translated into Turkish; clothing-measurements-clock-calendar was changed and radical steps were taken in terms of gender equality. When Turkish women were given their democratic rights in 1934,
“Yesterday, the woman who was the dream of the tulip gardens, the woman who was the bastard (toy) of the sultanate, was weak, helpless and captive… The Republic made our working hands four, and our minds that thought of our homes and babies doubled”57.
To put it briefly, again Prof. In the words of A. Taner Kışlalı;
“In terms of Kemalism, as an ideology of modernization, secularism is of such importance because it is a prerequisite for republicanism, nationalism, revolutionism and even populism in the field of democracy. It is a prerequisite for democracy; because without secularism there can be no real freedom of thought, no real free choice… It is the precondition of nationalism; because where there is no secularism, the important element is not the nation, but the “ummah” formed by the believers… It is the precondition of revolutionism; Because in a society that has not accepted secularism, it is generally impossible to even discuss changing the science and institutions that are behind the times. It is the precondition of populism; because in a state based on religion, it is the religious elite, not the people, who have weight and priority”58.
In the intellectual foundations of the principle of Populism, perhaps the oldest principle of Kemalism, traces of the "Narodnika (Populism)" movement, known to some extent as solidarism and Russian populism, are seen, but Kemalism's understanding of populism is not only in economic terms, but also in political democracy. aimed at individual and legal equality, the rejection of class privileges, and social reconciliation between classes. Starting from 1920, Mustafa Kemal, who wanted to achieve these goals, named his government as the People's Government, his political program as the Populism Program, his ideology as Populism, and the name of the party he founded as the People's Party. As can easily be understood from these, Kemalism's understanding of Populism is not an ideology that excludes the people, but, on the contrary, an ideology against elitism.
In Kemalist ideology, an economic content was also tried to be attributed to populism after the 1930s. Because M. Kemal and Kemalists saw that the individual's needs were not limited to political and legal equality and freedom, and they understood that the political regime would be in danger unless this understanding was supported by economic gains. Thus, Statism was brought to the agenda in order to solve the economic problems. Because in those years, 80% of the Turkish nation consisted of the peasantry, whom the Ottoman administration humiliated, almost made a servant, did not recognize any rights, and only remembered when it came to collecting soldiers and taxes. That's why M. Kemal brought the issue to the agenda on March 1, 1922, and the villager; He declared as "the owner and master of Turkey", that this segment "more prosperity than anyone else,
This understanding, which formed the basis of the principle of populism, would not remain in words, but would be effective in taking measures to raise the living standard of this group in the coming years. That is why, even two years after the foundation of the Republic, the Tithe Tax, which oppresses and starves the peasants despite all the poverty of the state, will be abolished in 1925.
Considering to highlight the rights of this great and self-sacrificing majority, a new understanding called Ruralism was brought to the agenda in order to raise the living standard of the villagers, and it can be said that this understanding envisages the implementation of Populism more effectively. The first applications of this understanding would be started with the People's Classrooms and National Schools, and after 1930, it would be continued with the implementation of a wide program extending to Community Centers, Public Reading Rooms and Village Institutes. Again in line with this purpose, the CHP Third Grand Convention convened on May 10, 1931, the party's; He will take a decision to "help those who want to appoint a deputy (deputy candidate) directly from among the workers and farmers among the workers and peasants and to stand up independently..."61 and thus, the oppressed for hundreds of years,
One of the principles that was given the most weight in the CHP's Fourth Great Congress was again populism. In the definition in this congress, as in previous years; It has been argued that “will and sovereignty belong to the people, equality before the law, no privileges are given to any individual, family, community or class, and society consists of working groups”; “…It is to achieve social order and solidarity instead of class fights and to establish harmony between the aspirants (interest) in a way that is not opposed to each other. It was envisaged to establish a social balance based on a compromise of interests among the working segments, by saying that the aspirants would be based on their capacity and degree of work.
Although statism, which was brought to the agenda intellectually in the 1930s, was officially started to be implemented in 1934 with the First Industrial Plan, Mustafa Kemal, who expressed this issue as a goal in his speech at the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on March 1, 1922;
By saying, "One of the most important aims of our politics is to nationalize the institutions and enterprises that will directly concern the public interest, in accordance with the permission of our finance and finance," and that in this way, the underground riches belonging to the society will be exploited and presented to the public's interest63. He had promised.
In the speech he made in Izmir on January 27, 1930, while talking about the party program; He wanted to emphasize the importance of the connection between these two principles when he said, “The program followed by our party is a completely democratic and populist program in one direction, but it is statist from an economic point of view”64.
It can be said that the understanding of statism envisaged by Kemalism, to some extent, was influenced by Etatism and Socialism, which originated in the West. However, Kemalism's understanding of statism, as Atatürk emphasized; “It is not a system that has been translated from the ideas put forward by the theorists of socialism since the 19th century. This is a system unique to Turkey, born out of Turkey's needs”65.
The Kemalist statism understanding has given the state the responsibility of being a social state. As it can be understood from the last definition made especially in the fourth congress, it was envisaged that the state should invest in the direction of the general interest in order to raise the living standard of the nation and make the country prosperous, and to protect private enterprise, but to supervise it. Since the Turkish administrators' trust in this order was gradually shaken due to the fact that the Turkish rulers lived through his period, the word "moderate" was abandoned and only the phrase "statism" was used, and after these developments, statism was redefined. According to the new definition made in 1931;
On the one hand, it is said, “The statism we follow is to take individual work and activity as a basis, and to take care of the state in the affairs that are required by the general and high interests of the nation, especially in the economic field, in order to bring the nation to prosperity and the country to prosperity in as little time as possible”67. While emphasizing the democratic and social nature of statism, it was also stated that the "protection of general and high interests", that is, the concept of social state, cannot be abandoned. The extent to which the state gives place to this understanding in practice can be a matter of debate. However, even the state's foreseeing such a high target in the poverty environment it was in that day is important in terms of understanding that Kemalism accepted the social state understanding68.
In bringing the social state understanding of Kemalism to the agenda, it is impossible to ignore the necessity of achieving social reconciliation by preventing class conflicts, as well as achieving the goals of the understanding of populism. Because, as Party Secretary General Recep Peker openly emphasized, if social justice is not implemented, class conflicts may begin in Turkey after a while, and this situation may endanger the future of the political regime. It is accepted that there is a connection and it is understood that Statism was put into practice as a necessary consequence of the principle of Populism. Another example that proves this is that Atatürk's last Prime Minister, Mahmut Celal Bayar, two days before Atatürk's death, As he emphatically emphasized in the government program he read in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on 8 November 1938; “The Kemalist regime did not (was) and would not accept a permanent personal interest that did not comply with the national interest”70. Prime Minister Bayar, referring to Atatürk in this speech;
After stating that he would strictly abide by the principle of "not interfering (but) not leaving the market unattended unless there is a definite need", he explained that "the character of the Kemalist regime is constructive and constructive" and that it aims "to serve the public and individual work and interests"71. This understanding can be said as a clear proof that Kemalism sees a close connection between Populism and Statism.
The nationalism principle of Kemalism, on the other hand, has been constantly debated on the grounds that it is sometimes not understood enough or sometimes it is tried to be distorted, on the grounds that it emphasizes ethnic understanding. However, Kemalism's understanding of Nation and Nationalism, French philosopher and historian Ernest Renan, defined the modern nation and gave it in 1882. What is a Nation? It is in harmony with the definition of nation he put forward in his conference entitled. In other words, Atatürk's understanding of nation and nationalism is not based on ethnic and religious discrimination, does not deny sub-identities, and is based on citizenship. In this understanding that Renan emphasizes, based on objective elements rather than subjective elements such as religion, language and race; the sense and determination of individuals to live together, the common culture kneaded by the past lived together, the unity of spirit and purpose72 are in the foreground.
By saying, “A nation is a society made up of people who a) have a rich commemorative heritage,
b) have a common desire to live together and are sincere in accepting it, c) and have a common desire and desire to continue the preservation of the heritage together”73
He has made it clear that he has adopted the understanding of nationalism. As can be understood from this definition, Kemalism's understanding of nationalism coincides with a contemporary understanding of nationalism that emphasizes the unity of history, culture and ideals. This understanding is based on the common religion in the Ottoman period, instead of the Ummah or Slav understanding; has accepted the concept of Citizen, which is based on the equal rights of individuals. In the 88th article of the 1924 constitution;
While pointing out this development, “the people of Turkey are called Turks without any distinction of religion or race”74, while racial discrimination was once again rejected. Moreover; “The people of Turkey who founded the Turkish Republic are called Turks.” In another definition, it is clearly stated that no religious or ethnic community is brought forward. On the other hand, in the definition of nation made in the fourth great congress; "Nation; By saying that it is a political and social whole consisting of citizens connected to each other by the unity of language, culture and ideal”75, objective elements were once again highlighted, and the contemporary nationalism understanding of Kemalism was once again emphasized.
As can be understood from the definitions and interpretations above, Atatürk never denied the fact that the Turkish nation was composed of different ethnic origins. However, he also deemed it necessary to accept a citizenship consciousness and identity that would encompass the whole nation and fully express the individuals living within the borders of the Republic of Turkey in a universal sense. Atatürk, living within the borders of Turkey and Bosnian, Circassian, Kurdish, Laz etc. While stating that the communities with sub-identities “have the same common past, history, morals and law like the general Turkish community”76, he wanted to emphasize that Turkish identity is a contemporary nationalism based on equal rights. Turkish nationalism based on this understanding; It expresses a humanitarian, non-ethnic, non-aggressive, national and peaceful purpose that respects the rights of other nations. The definition of nationalism made in the Fourth Congress clearly reveals this aim. According to this definition; “Nationalism; While Turkish society walks side by side and in harmony with contemporary nations in the path of progress and development, and in international values ​​and interests… it considers it essential to preserve its distinctive character and power”77.
To put it briefly, Kemalism's understanding of nationalism is a contemporary understanding that prioritizes individual equality and rights, is not based on race and religion, but is based on a secular, common citizenship consciousness. When these qualities are taken into account, the close connection between nationalism and populism can be easily understood.
The principle of republicanism of Kemalism gained a constitutional character with the establishment of the Republic and was based on a basic understanding that "it cannot even be proposed" to change the political regime of the state. According to Atatürk, the Republic; It is valuable if it is applied together with democracy and it is the form of government that performs the democracy practice best. The republic, which is based on virtue and enables virtuous people to grow, is protected by virtue, best reflects the idea of ​​national sovereignty, is “the strongest form of state that civilized nations have reached after untold suffering and blood.”78 Despite all his aspirations and efforts, Atatürk maintained democracy with all its institutions and organizations in his own time. could not be implemented together. Although an authoritarian republican understanding was in effect during this period, since the paths to democracy were left open later on, Turkey, it was able to pass to a pluralist order after 1945 without blood and fight. This success can be explained by the fact that the understanding applied until then contributed to the democratic environment. In other words, the Kemalist Republic, both in its constitution and in practice, has always embodied a "potential democracy" in its structure, demonstrating that "despite everything, it gives a superior value to pluralism and operates in a pluralist state philosophy"79. This reality is an important feature that distinguishes Kemalism from other authoritarian understandings. In other words, Kemalism has never been a "closed theoretical system"80. The most important reason why democracy could not be implemented with all its institutions in Turkey in the same period is the fact that revolution and democracy cannot be carried out together, especially after being tried with the Progressive Republican and Free Republican Parties, it is understood. Moreover, there is not a single example in the world's political history that realizes revolution and democracy together. It was inevitable for the Turkish revolution to take place in this historical process. Because, as Atatürk emphasized, a revolution could not be made with an "administrative maslahatist" approach aimed at making everyone happy by making concessions from the revolution81. Such an attempt could be crushed under the feet of the counter-revolutionaries from the very beginning, so that the new order intended by the revolution could come to an end from the very beginning. Expressing this understanding concisely, the famous French political scientist Prof. Dr. In the words of Maurice Duverger; “Every real political transformation is done in order to destroy the foundations on which the old understanding of government was based.
In short; While the Kemalist movement kept the paths to democracy open, it followed an authoritarian method during the Atatürk period in order to ensure the establishment of the radical changes made. While the principle of republicanism was once again defined in its final form at the CHP's Fourth Great Congress; “The party is convinced that the republic is the state form that best and most firmly represents and worships the ideal of national sovereignty. With this unwavering conviction, the party will protect the Republic against all kinds of dangers by all means”83.
In the Fourth Great Congress, although it was accepted that the republican administration was the best form of state, in the section titled "the basic theory of the state"; "Turkey; It is a nationalist, populist, statist, secular and revolutionary republic”84 and the basic characteristics of the Kemalist Republic were clearly revealed. This approach was deemed necessary to emphasize that the republican form implemented in Turkey does not only reflect an elected head of state, but also that this republic should be interpreted within the framework of the six principles that make up the ideology of Kemalism.

After all these interpretations, definitions and approaches, the basic characteristics of Kemalist ideology can be grouped under the following headings:
1. Kemalism; It is an ideology that has different aims and characteristics from Socialism, Fascism, and Liberalism that were in practice in its own time.
2. Kemalism; It was not initially carried out on the basis of a theoretical framework. In other words, although it has a historical background, it is not an ideology based on an immutable doctrine.
3. Kemalism; It envisages solving the problems that arise with the change of economic, political and social conditions and needs with a scientific understanding without compromising the basic principles.
4. Kemalism;In the process that Western civilization followed with the Renaissance, Reformation, Enlightenment and Industrial Revolutions, it is an ideology based on an important part of the values ​​on which this civilization was built.
5. Kemalism; It is an anti-imperialist ideology with national and universal characteristics, and it not only opposes colonialism, but also envisions taking sides with all oppressed nations. In other words, Kemalism; It can be shown as “a source of ideals and ideology for nations that have not carried out acts of national liberation”.
6. Kemalism;  It can be considered as an option especially for underdeveloped and developing countries. As Maurice Duverger emphasized; “Kemalism is truly an alternative to Marxism, with features not found in the regimes of North America and Western Europe”86.

Again with Duverger's expression, Kemalism;
“Although it was evaluated throughout Turkey until the Second World War, it was seen as efforts to transform an old country into a modern nation, it gained an exemplary value after 1945. After this date, “Kemalism ceased to be a page in the history of Turkey and began to lead a political system”87.
In other words, Kemalism, whose national side was highlighted until 1945, began to be accepted by Western scientists after this date as having a universal character.
7. Kemalism; It is a system of thought that envisages the realization of modern democracy based on compromise, not conflict between classes. It did not adopt a pluralistic understanding based only on the elector-elected relationship.
8. Kemalism; Despite all the obstacles of historical and social conditions, he succeeded in realizing a large part of the natural rights theory that the Enlightenment Revolution aimed at, but most of which remained on paper, in Turkey.
As a result, Kemalism; It can be said that it is a new combination that Mustafa Kemal Atatürk created by utilizing national and universal ideologies, and that it has the characteristics of a unique ideology that sets an example for all colonial and semi-colonial societies in the national and universal context and will continue to exist today and in the future.

Assist.Prof.Dr.Mustafa Albayrak

Source: ATATÜRK ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ DERGİSİ, Sayı 77, Cilt: XXVI, Temmuz 2010