While describing Kemalism, we will first show the elements of this system in its entirety. After doing this, we will explain the formation of Kemalism.

ELEMENTS OF ATATURKISM

a) It is in favor of full independence.

Kemalism set an example for the oppressed nations in the world by establishing a fully independent and national republic after the first successful War of Independence against the imperialist powers. It aims to make changes in the socio-economic infrastructure for the benefit of the people in order to maintain such full independence.

b) It is popular, democratic, social and peaceful.

In order to reach the level of contemporary civilization, it aims to turn to the social and economic infrastructure, not only at the political level and superstructure, and to develop the people for the people with the power of the people in this structure, and in order to achieve social peace without causing class fights, the state's constructive, planning, It aims to keep its regulatory and imperative role in the foreground and thus to get rid of an underdeveloped social structure.

c) It is based on positive knowledge and free emotion.

In the branches of art and science, it activates the creative power according to the realities and needs of this country. It does this by relying on a secular, rational, free thinking, positive knowledge and free emotion. He continues his research and experiments only by referring to these sources.

d) It is dynamic.

Kemalism, which is stated in the explanations above, does not remain only in the plan of ideas, but also orders to fight the conservatives who are hostile to innovation and development. In this respect, it is an anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, secular, progressive and dynamic development movement and system in motion.

Ataturkism in the Light of Our Recent History

In order to understand Kemalism and its formation, it is a necessity to refer to our recent history on this subject. In this respect, those who saw the good and bad from the previous years and learned the real interests of the nation by suffering the pain caused by the events, created Kemalism. According to this situation, we think that it is necessary to refer to the documents of our recent history while examining the essence and formation of Kemalism. We will explain the elements of Kemalism based on this method.

Foreign Pressure on the Ottoman Empire

During the Tanzimat and Constitutional Monarchy periods, the imperialist states divided the Ottoman country into "Russian Region", "French Region", "British Region". The relations between their envoys in the Ottoman capital and the administrators of the Tanzimat and Constitutional Monarchy were similar to the relations between the colonial administrators and the metropolises.

In order to get a general idea on this subject, after recounting only a few events during the Tanzimat and Constitutional Monarchy periods, I would like to point out a behavior of Atatürk, who definitely adopted the principle of full independence, in 1935. In this way, the shyness that the Ottoman Empire, which became a semi-colonial state, faced recently, and the greatness that the new Turkish Republic administrator brought to the fully independent Republic of Turkey will be clearly seen. I am citing the following document that I have chosen regarding this issue from an article of the journal —Revue de deux Monde — titled “The State of the Rical of Turkey”:

Skin Disease That Does Not Pass into the Blood of the Nation

“The following conversation took place between Keçecizade Fuat Pasha, the famous grand vizier of the Tanzimat, and a French diplomat who visited Pasha on his way back to his hometown after making investigations in various parts of Turkey:

Fuat Pasha —" What are your opinions about us?"

—"Not so bad, but I must admit I didn't get very good thoughts either."

Fuat Pasha —" That's because you don't know us well. People who know Turks well immediately begin to like them. Those who don't like Turks are the ones who fail to get to know them well. Europeans have been saying every morning for fifty years that the Turks will not make it to the evening. Thank God, we wake up every morning fresh and fresh and go to bed fresh and alive in the evening. The Turks are neither dead nor are they about to die."

"But they're a little sick, aren't they?"

Fuat Pasha — Russian Emperor Nikola says so. But if you want to get accurate information about our health status, don't just ask this doctor's opinion. I know Turkey better than the Tsar. I shot every part of it, I listened, I examined it internally and externally. (Fuat Pasha was a physician; he left the profession and became a diplomat with the encouragement of Büyük Reşit Pasha.) After these examinations, I learned that the structure of the Turks is very strong. There is no disease in their organs. The thing is, we are afflicted with a skin disease, but this disease has not spoiled our blood. In this case, it is necessary to discard the old one and replace it with a new one.”

Treatment of the disease

Atatürk also makes a similar diagnosis regarding the disease of the country. He also believed that the disease did not spoil the blood of the nation and that this disease remained only on the skin, but what should be the treatment needed to prevent the disease from spreading to the organs and blood? Here, Atatürk differs from the Tanzimat and Meşrutiyet dignitaries in terms of his treatment method. Let's see the ways Tanzimatists advised on healing the sick before Atatürk.

Namık Kemal writes on this subject in the "İbret" newspaper, 5 November 1872, numbered 46, that Fuat Pasha said: "There are two forces in a state. One comes from above, one comes from below. In our country, the force from above crushes our sentence. If it is from below, there is no possibility of creating a force. For this, we need to use a side force like the shoe knuckles - Those forces are foreign embassies.” According to these words, Fuat Pasha, one of the leaders of the Tanzimat, expects improvement from the power of foreign ambassadors. Let's review the following letter written by the Minister of Foreign Affairs Âli Pasha to our London Ambassador Muzurus Pasha, stating how painful it is for a country to expect improvement from a foreign power. This letter is on pages 1-7 of the second book of Hayrettin Bey's book titled “Vesaik-i Tarihiye ve Siyahiye” and is dated 12 February 1855. At this time, Büyük Reşit Pasha was the Grand Vizier and Âli Pasha was the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Reşit Pasha also knew the contents of this letter written by Ali Pasha. In the letter, there are laments about Sir Stratford, who was the British Ambassador in Istanbul for 15 years. In the meantime, it is also explained what kind of a toy the whole Ottoman Empire was in the hands of the British Ambassador. This letter clearly shows how a mentality that accepts foreign embassies as a force in the treatment of the country has put the country in a painful situation.

Intervention of Foreign Embassies in State Administration

Âli Pasha says: “You know that the British Ambassador, Lord Stratford, has caused many misfortunes, many disasters here. Being in an ambitious, arrogant disposition, his fierce desire to exercise his power in everything and everywhere led himself to the state of being the owner of the Ottoman State. He became the executor of the government. In the provinces, he made the consuls his guardians, even alongside the governors. In this case, the influence and personality of the Sublime Porte is severely damaged every day. For, without this dignity and prestige, the execution of government in an Empire composed of such diverse nationalities is impossible.

Today, a man of our subjects who has an unjust cause or a just punishment, trusts that there is a force to protect him with consuls or ambassadors. A provincial governor who does his duty by not listening to the consuls and envoys and not valuing their influence, taking into account the displeasure of them, means that he is destroyed forever. The ministers in the council of ministers are in the same situation. It is no longer our state that appoints or replaces its ministers. When one of these positions becomes vacant, it becomes necessary to have a difficult conversation with him, as if negotiating a treaty in Vienna, to appoint a replacement. If you dare to disobey a job Lord Stratford refuses, you become a bribe-eating man. What can I say, my dear, our foreign affairs, our internal affairs, the patriarchate,

The politics of submission

This letter above clearly shows the extent to which foreign embassies, counted as a force by Fuat Pasha, will have an impact on sinking a country. Foreign states regarded the Ottoman Empire as their zone of influence, and the Tanzimat and Constitutionalists were accustomed to the policy of submission against these behaviors. Now, I would like to narrate a conversation between Cavit Bey, who was the finance minister in the Union and Progress governments, and the German ambassador. The Ottoman Empire, taking advantage of the start of the First World War, abolished the capitulations unilaterally. Thereupon, the German Ambassador Wangenheim, with whom we had an alliance, got angry with our decision and spoke with Cavit Bey.

Even the ambassadors of our allies are pressing

Cavit Bey tells that the German ambassador hit the table with his fists and scolded him as follows:

- “You have no right to take such a decision, to act like this without asking us. You should know that this decision time was chosen very badly. It is contrary to the political interests of the Allies. Tomorrow the British and French fleets will pass through the straits and declare war on you. We will never help you in such a situation. The throats can't stand it at all. In this way, you are preparing the destruction of Turkey. You should know that this decision of yours will have a very bad effect on Berlin. Neither alliance will remain nor anything; I'll take the soldiers and leave tomorrow." After telling these words of the ambassador, Cavit Bey also writes the following:

-“I almost thought I was in front of a rabid dog. He wasn't speaking, he was barking."

The mentality that regarded foreign embassies as a power in the treatment of the disease had collapsed and fragmented the Ottoman Empire. Atatürk is the exact opposite of this mentality. In his understanding of the state, full independence is the basic element. A state cannot exist without independence. The Ottoman rulers obeyed the understanding of the influence zone of the foreign embassies in the country and regarded submission as a necessity in order not to cause any trouble in the country.

ATATÜRK'S SENSITIVITY ON “FULL INDEPENDENCE” AGAINST FOREIGNERS

Atatürk, on the other hand, never put up with such a behavior, even though the state, which considers his country as a zone of influence, has a very powerful border neighbor. As a matter of fact, he did not hesitate to show the harshest reactions to the words of a very powerful state representative of his age, which harmed Turkish independence. In this regard, we heard the following incident at the Russian Embassy from the late Behçet Kemal Çağlar and also from a few people present at the event: “Just before the anniversary of the Russian Revolution in 1937, Turkey's Ambassador in Moscow told Atatürk that Stalin's Russian Communist Party He delivered a summary of a statement he gave before his members. In this speech, Stalin referred to Turkey, Iran and Takin and all the countries of the Middle-East as the Russian Zone.

That evening a soiree was held at the Soviet Embassy to commemorate the anniversary. Hearing these words of Stalin in advance, Atatürk came to the soiree and said the following to Ambassador Kara Khan in front of everyone:

"Deliver my words to Stalin in a proper way. Under the current conditions of the world, a great historical nation that has taken refuge in a small part of the geography cannot be treated as a small nation. Those who think like this lack foresight. In the future developments of the world, the Russian nation will get help from us, not the Russian nation." There will come a day when the army of a nation hostile to Russia will want to march towards it from our lands. But it will find our actual veto, which we stated based on our full independence. The value of this veto is the consciousness of the Turkish nation on the path to full independence. This is the greatest support for Russia. Otherwise, It is a mistake to portray Turkey's policy based on full independence as a kind of dictatorship of Russia.”

ATATÜRK'S WARNING POWER TO SHOW FUTURE EVENTS TO FOREIGNERS

Ottoman reformers often determined their way with the advice and warnings of foreigners. On the contrary, Atatürk was doing his duty to warn foreign states by seeing the future events with complete clarity. The meeting between Atatürk and Mac Arthur in the magazine "The Caucasus" is the main proof of this. In the aforementioned magazine, the conversation between Atatürk and Mac Arthur is stated as follows. Atatürk gave the following answer to MacArthur, who asked him what he thought about the situation in Europe:

-“ The Versailles Treaty did not eliminate any of the factors that caused the First World War, but on the contrary, it widened the gap between yesterday's main rivals. Because, while the victorious states were forcing the defeated people to accept the terms of peace, they never took into consideration the ethnic, geopolitical and economic characteristics of these countries and were inspired only by feelings of enmity. Thus, the period of peace we live in today has remained only an armistice. If you Americans had insisted on implementing Wilson's program by not giving up on European affairs, this period of armistice would have been prolonged and there would have been a permanent peace settlement today. In my opinion, the fate of Europe tomorrow will depend on the situation Germany will take, as it was yesterday.

Atatürk, Germany, with the exception of England and Russia, could form an army that could occupy the entire European continent in a short time; therefore, the war would begin between 1940-46; He stated that France had lost the necessary assets to create a strong army and that England could no longer rely on France to defend its islands. He also said the following about Italy:

-“ Italy, under Mussolini's rule, has undoubtedly enjoyed great development and development. If, in a future war, Mussolini can adequately exploit Italy's apparent majesty and majesty, excluding the war, he can play one of the main roles at the peace table. But I am afraid that the present chief of Italy will not be able to refrain from playing the role of Caesar and will show that Italy is still far from creating a military force.” Atatürk added that America could not remain neutral in this war, as in the previous war, and that Germany would be defeated only because of this American intervention, and said the following words of astonishment, which are almost at the level of prophecy:

-“If the European statesmen do not deal with the important political issues, which are the main subject of conflict, away from all kinds of national egoism and only to the benefit of the general public, with a final effort and with full goodwill, I am afraid that disaster will not be prevented. Because the European issue is no longer a matter of conflicts between England, France and Germany. Today, a new force has emerged in the east of Europe that threatens all civilization and even all humanity. This terrible force, which mobilizes all its material resources for the sake of the cause of the world revolution, applies new political methods and knows how to take advantage of even the smallest mistakes of its opponents. The main winner of a war in Europe will be neither England, nor France, nor Germany. It's just Bolshevism. As Russia's close neighbor and a nation that has fought this country the most, we Turks closely follow the events taking place there and see the danger with all its nakedness. The Bolsheviks have become the main force threatening not only Europe but also Asia.” When word reached Asia, Mac Arthur said:

“I totally agree with your opinion. The fact that European and American statesmen fail to see the real danger worries me too. Thus, we are being dragged towards a war where an enemy that threatens us all can gain great benefits. It seems to me that a war that will start in Europe will inevitably spread to America. Because, the defeat of the great powers in Europe will be seen as an opportunity for Japan to realize its ambitions in Asia. Undoubtedly, America will not be able to ignore it. In such a war that we will inevitably be dragged into, Russia will try to expand its influence in Asia. If, at that time, our politicians have the prudence not to buy Russian aid at the expense of heavy territorial concessions, well, otherwise, while we are trying to eliminate a danger, We will have replaced it with a larger one. Therefore, a war with Russia in alliance with Russia will be far from solving Asian issues as well as European ones. The case will be settled for Bolshevism the day that Asia, which is the owner of inexhaustible human material and moreover, the export market of European and American industrialists, comes under the influence of Russia. Because the Russians understand this better than we do, they carry out a great activity in Asia, which we often overlook. Today, a significant part of China is under the control of communist agents. If the American and European statesmen do not give the necessary importance to China and do not support the anti-communist statesmen there, the defeat of the Japanese may be the victory of the communists in China. The same is true of Manchuria, Korea, India, Indochina, It is also valid for Burma. Therefore, in my opinion, the fate of the world will be settled in Asia, not Europe.” When the exchange of ideas between the two great soldiers was over, Atatürk laughed and said to Mac Arthur:

“There is complete agreement in our views. But we hope that we will see the situation wrong and the statesmen who hold the fate of the world in their hands will be right.”

TO BE AN EXAMPLE FOR OPPRESSED NATIONS ON THE PATH TO FULL INDEPENDENCE

The power of the principle of full independence, which we show as the leading element of Kemalism, is so effective that Atatürk trusts that this power will save not only the Turkish nation, but also all oppressed nations, and he is proud of the Turkish nation's fulfilling its duty of being the first example in the uprising against the oppressors.

Although Greek forces were brought against the Turks in the War of Independence, in fact, the reins of the Greeks were in the hands of the imperialist states. As a matter of fact, in the Treaty of Lausanne, the Turks did not fight with the Greeks, but against the imperialists, who held the reins of the Greeks.

Atatürk says on this subject on July 7, 1922: “If Turkey's current struggle had been for its own sake alone, it might have been shorter, maybe less bloody, and could have ended more quickly. Turkey is making a big and important effort. Because the cause he defends is the cause of all oppressed nations, the whole east. And until it comes to an end, Turkey is sure that the eastern nations that are with it will march together. Turkey will follow the real requirements of history, not the requirements of the existing history books.”

He also says on this subject on January 3, 1922: “All oppressed nations will one day destroy the oppressors. At that time, the words cruel and oppressed will be removed from the face of the world, and humanity will reach a social situation befitting it. The Turkish nation will then be able to rejoice seriously with its lead.”

After all these speeches, he says the following about the underdeveloped countries and imperialists: “As I see the day dawning today, I see the awakening of all oppressed nations from afar. There are many brotherly nations that will attain their independence and freedom. Their rebirth will undoubtedly be directed towards progress and shelf life. Despite all the difficulties and obstacles, these nations will be victorious and reach the future that awaits them. Imperialism will disappear from the face of the earth, and a new era of harmony and cooperation will prevail among nations, without distinction of any colour, religion or race.”

I will move on to economic independence, which is the most important element of full independence, by stating the following words in his declaration of July 2, 1920, calling the whole nation to a war of independence. Atatürk says in this declaration: “The wish of our nation that wants to live can be summarized in one word and it is quite legitimate. Independence. The original nations of Europe, which are separate from their rulers and capitalists, do not see our lives very much. If today we are at enmity with the French nation, the Italian nation, and even the English nation, it is because these nations cannot make their voices heard and their rulers cannot speak out against their destruction of us for invasion and capital purposes.”

ECONOMIC INDEPENDENCE

Atatürk considers economic independence as one of the leading elements of full independence. Against the exploitation of our people by foreign countries since the Tanzimat, on March 1, 1922, while opening the third year of the Grand National Assembly, he says: “The free trade era opened by the Tanzimat has brought our economy, which could not defend itself against European competition, to the chains of economic capitalization. tied up. Those who were stronger than us in terms of organization and individual value were also in a privileged position in our country. They didn't pay income tax. They were holding our customs. They brought the goods they wanted to our country whenever they wanted and under the conditions they wanted. In this way, they had absolute dominance over all our branches of economy. Gentlemen, the competition against us was really illegitimate, really overwhelming. In this way, our competitors have destroyed our thriving industry and damaged our agriculture. They have prevented our development, our economic and financial development. Gentlemen, there are no capitulations that are strangling our economic life for Turkey, which has now embarked on a free and independent life.”

THE RESULTS OF THE LIBERAL ECONOMY FOLLOWED IN THE TANZIMAT PERIOD

It is a fact that we lost our economic independence with the free trade policy followed by the Tanzimat period.

The trade agreement we made with the British in 1838 forced us to follow such an economic policy. While making this agreement, Mustafa Reşit had aimed to protect the integrity of the Ottoman Empire by ending the ongoing civil war between Mehmet Ali and the sultan's forces. The examinations made by the late Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk on this subject show that the British played both sides, by provoking Mehmet Ali for independence on the one hand, and by giving the Sultan hopes of eliminating Mehmet Ali and ensuring the integrity of the Empire's lands, on the other hand, and made us heedless. As a result of these tricks, the British succeeded in signing the 1838 Trade Treaty. However, before 1838, the established order in Ottoman domestic and foreign trade was not disturbed, and contrary to free exchange, by solving the effects of capitulations, If the policy of protection had been followed, the existing handicraft industry would not have disappeared and the Ottoman Empire would not have become a half colony of the European metropolises. It seems that neither Sultan Mahmut nor Mustafa Reşit Pasha thought that the Trade Agreement of 16 August 1838 would be a treaty that would have terrible consequences for the economy of the country. On this subject, Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk does not belittle Reşit Pasha, as the new generation writers of our age do, and does not forget his patriotic qualities. Tengirşenk states the following in (Tanzimat, I): Neither Sultan Mahmut nor Mustafa Reşit Pasha thought that the Trade Agreement of 16 August 1838 would be a treaty that would have terrible consequences for the economy of the country. On this subject, Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk does not belittle Reşit Pasha, as the new generation writers of our age do, and does not forget his patriotic qualities. Tengirşenk states the following in (Tanzimat, I): Neither Sultan Mahmut nor Mustafa Reşit Pasha thought that the Trade Agreement of 16 August 1838 would be a treaty that would have terrible consequences for the economy of the country. On this subject, Yusuf Kemal Tengirşenk does not belittle Reşit Pasha, as the new generation writers of our age do, and does not forget his patriotic qualities. Tengirşenk states the following in (Tanzimat, I):

“Although it is not clear that the British officials acted on the orders of the centre, they hoped that if they declared political alliances to the sultan and their independence to Mehmet Ali, it would be recognized by England. The awaited hour of Ashraf is coming, Zeki Bulver succeeds in presenting a masterpiece to England, as a description of Palmersütu. On the other hand, the Sultan cannot find the support he seeks against Russia and Mehmet Ali as much as he hopes. The great, benevolent Reşit Pasha is working hard; He runs to London, Paris, but does not achieve his desires. The Trade Agreement dated August 16, 1838, caused both Mehmet Ali's monopoly to be weakened by being deprived of his income, and the Ottoman Empire to be devastated in industrial, commercial and financial aspects. It cannot be said that neither Mahmut the Second nor Reşit Pasha and his friends signed this agreement knowing and seeing these results. They expected that Mehmet Ali's army and navy would weaken from the treaty. But, of course, they could not discover that this treaty would eventually make the industry of the country unable to straighten it, and that it would afflict the state with a calamity such as the Düyûn-i Umumiye administration. The sons of the country, who were brought up after these brave and mighty men, are brought up until the new era of Turkey, when they learn what kind of place economic interests occupy in the life of a nation, and absorb the damages caused by mistakes made by not being able to discover the future. This generation, when the Ottoman Empire reached its last point and the new Turkey was established, While arranging the National Pact, which includes the life and survival conditions of the next state, it is clear to the world that economic independence is (procedure, principle, life and permanence) and for these reasons (in the well that prevents political, judicial, financial and other developments) he is opposed to it. is announcing. In practice, the Grand National Assembly begins to make separate laws on customs items from the first days. While making agreements with the Soviet Republic for the first time in Ankara and with other states in Lausanne, the first thing that the Assembly and its government think about is to fully preserve the economic independence of the country.” From the first days, it starts to make independent laws on customs items. While making agreements with the Soviet Republic for the first time in Ankara and with other states in Lausanne, the first thing that the Assembly and its government think about is to fully preserve the economic independence of the country.” From the first days, it starts to make independent laws on customs items. While making agreements with the Soviet Republic for the first time in Ankara and with other states in Lausanne, the first thing that the Assembly and its government think about is to fully preserve the economic independence of the country.”

ATATURKIST PUBLICITY

The second cornerstone of Kemalism is populism and nationalism. In Kemalist populism, there are political and social elements and values ​​that complement each other for a civilized human society.

According to the political thought of the government, namely the sultan, in the Ottoman period, the people are a herd. It needs a shepherd; he is also the king. I am citing an anecdote that best illustrates this issue from the memoirs of the late Rauf Orbay, published in the journal Our Recent History. Rauf Bey says: When I arrived at the Parliamentary Assembly in Fındıklı, I called Reis Celalettin Arif Bey to visit the Sultan. I couldn't find it in his office; I asked, I searched, I couldn't find it. Although the hour of being in the palace approached, he did not appear; no one knew where he was. Desperate, we went to Yıldız Palace as a delegation, including Deputy Chief of Balikesir Deputy Abdülaziz Mecdi Efendi, instead of him. Our hearts ache when we see the enemy soldiers with bayonets standing upright on the roads, right and left, proud as if they rule the world, We were silent as if our voices were hoarse. However, I confess that, in the face of this scene, which clearly shows the magnitude of the disaster we have been exposed to, neither I nor my friends have shaken our faith and hope that these days will pass and the country and the nation will be saved. The British could do anything by relying on their strength now, but we believed that no persecution could continue, and that this too would come to an end as long as we trusted God and the nation whose patriotism we were sure of. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: In the face of this scene, which clearly shows the magnitude of the disaster we have suffered, our faith and hope that neither I nor my friends will pass and the day when the country and nation will be saved was not shaken at all. The British could do anything by relying on their strength now, but we believed that no persecution could continue, and that this too would come to an end as long as we trusted God and the nation whose patriotism we were sure of. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: In the face of this scene, which clearly shows the magnitude of the disaster we have been subjected to, our faith and hope that neither I nor my friends will pass and the day when the country and the nation will be saved was not shaken at all. The British could do anything by relying on their strength now, but we believed that no persecution could continue, and that this too would come to an end as long as we trusted God and the nation whose patriotism we were sure of. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: Our faith and hope that these days will pass and the day when the country and nation will be saved was never shaken. The British could do anything by relying on their strength now, but we believed that no persecution could continue, and that this too would come to an end as long as we trusted God and the nation whose patriotism we were sure of. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: Our faith and hope that these days will pass and the day when the country and nation will be saved was never shaken. The British could do anything by relying on their strength now, but we believed that no persecution could continue, and that this too would come to an end as long as we trusted God and the nation whose patriotism we were sure of. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: We believed it would come to an end. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him: We believed it would come to an end. It was with these feelings that we arrived at the palace and were immediately accepted into the presence. When Sultan Vahdettin saw us in front of him, after responding to our greetings with a very cold tone, he addressed Fuat Bey, the chief chamberlain next to him:

-“How did we hear about this job?” asked. Fuat Bey, handcuffed divan stopped, gave the following answer:

-“Sir, the chief translator of the French agency came yesterday. He said that the representatives of the Entente States had decided to hold a demonstration in order to preserve the security of the city, mentioning that some people from Anatolia were carrying out an operation that would violate the security and peace of Istanbul, but that this would not be a move that would violate the status quo of Istanbul. After Vahdettin took Fuat Bey out of the hall with a sign, he turned to me:

"You hear, sir, these guys do anything. That's not all they do. They may dare to do more. Therefore, be careful with your speeches in the Assembly.” While I was going to answer, Konya Deputy Vehbi Hodja could not contain his excitement, speaking before me:

-“Sir, whatever they do, they cannot intimidate the nation. The nation is loyal to the caliphate and sultanate. We are trying to save the country. Rejoice, my sultan." But Vahdettin did not seem at all happy. He repeated:

"Please be careful. These guys, they'll do anything, watch your words in Parliament." This time, Abdülaziz Mecdi Efendi got excited and showed the enemy fleet anchored in front of Dolmabahçe, visible from the window, from where he was sitting:

He said, "My Sultan, the hardship of these infidels will go all the way to the water's edge with work. Beyond that, it won't break. Anatolian pulat. He will definitely be successful in the struggle he is embarking on for the safety of the country. Make sure of that.” Vahdettin was not there. He was hovering over the same refrain he had implanted in his mind, as if not hearing what was being said:

"I repeat. The way for the mind is one. The position is in the square. If they want, they can also go to Ankara tomorrow.” I couldn't help myself in the face of these words of Vahdettin, which clearly expressed his whole state of mind, and especially his cowardice, which reached the level of unconditionally agreeing with all his desires and aspirations from the enemies he enlarged with the effect of this and that:

"Excuse me," I said. Insofar as it is determined with the National Pact, it is a matter of saving the country with the caliphate and the sultanate. However, according to the current situation, if we are able to interpret the feelings of this nation, let's say that what the nation wants from you is not to sign any international document without the decision of the Assembly. Otherwise, we see the future very dark. So much so that it is impossible to predict what the future will be.” Upon these words of mine, Vahdettin stood up from his armchairs and stared into my eyes with an attitude expressing his anger:

-“Rauf Bey! There is a nation, a flock of sheep. It needs a shepherd. 0 is me.”

I also remembered that he had said this to me a while ago, when he and Ahmet Rıza Bey and I were pressuring the Izzet Pasha Cabinet, during our visit, it means that he was very eager to play the role of shepherd, he was really determined and determined. There was nothing left for us to say anymore. Already with his behavior, we also got up from our seats. We left in a much colder weather than when we met.

In Atatürk's populist system, however, the people are not a herd, but the sole source of dominance. The people use their sovereignty as they wish, unconditionally, with their elected representatives. In this respect, the name of his government is also the "people's government".

In his speech at the Grand National Assembly on 1 December 1921, Atatürk said the following regarding this issue: “Our government is not a democratic government. It is not a socialist government, and indeed a government unlike any other in the scientific nature of the governments that exist in the books. If it is necessary to express our government from a scientific and social point of view, we say the government of the people.”

While he criticizes the copying and imitation of the reform breakthroughs made before him, he says in the same speech: “It is still impossible to compare ourselves to any government in the world. We are moving forward in our own selves and with our own temperament and nature, and we will move forward. We pride ourselves on not being similar and not comparing. Because we are just like us.”

Atatürk's program of 13 September 1920, which stated the basic principles of the principle of populism, was published by the Grand National Assembly on 18 November 1920 with a declaration called the Populism Declaration. In this declaration, the basic principle on which populism is based was stated as follows: “The Grand National Assembly of Turkey believes that it will achieve its purpose by saving the people of Turkey, whose life and independence is the only and holy goal, from the oppression and oppression of imperialism and capitalism, and by making them possess their will and dominance. It wants to replace the causes of misery that the people have faced for a long time, with new tools and organizations, and to replace them with prosperity and happiness, and for this reason, it aims to bring social fraternity and assistance in land, courthouse, economic affairs and other issues according to the needs of the people.

It is understood from these articles that while Turkey's development was being ensured, the principles that were stated with the terms social unity, “social brotherhood” and social cooperation “social aid” at that time, and which are now included in our Constitution with the terms “social justice” and “social security”. will dominate the development of the people. Thus, the New Turkish State will develop without giving rise to class fights.

Atatürk made the definition of populism in his speech dated December 1, 1921. This definition is as follows: “Populism is a social profession that bases its social order on work and the rights granted by work.” He explains this definition as follows: “We obtain a right through work. Otherwise, people who want to sleep on their backs and spend their lives without working have no place in our society, they have no right.”

One of Atatürk's longings for social peace in society was the realization of "land reform".

Atatürk, who was thinking of making the landless farmer a landowner as early as 1922, explains his thoughts on this issue as he opened the third term of the Grand National Assembly on November 1, 1928: You will seriously deal with the issue of supplying land to farmers who do not have land in their parts.” While opening the third term meeting year on November 1, 1929, he again emphasizes this issue and states the following basic point: “Giving land to the farmer is also a condition that the government must constantly follow. Providing the working Turkish peasants with as much land as they can work is one of the main remedies that will enrich the production of the country.” Atatürk made all his reforms to bring the Turkish nation to its dynamic ideal, it was always realizing it as a precondition to penetrate the infrastructure and change the social structure. On November 1, 1936, in the opening speech of the Turkish Grand National Assembly for the second year of the fifth term, he said the following on the land issue in Turkey: “I expect the Land Law to come to a conclusion from the high service of the Public Service. It is necessary for every Turkish farmer family to own the land on which they can live and work. The solid foundation and development of the homeland is on this basis. More than that, we would like to operate the large land with modern vehicles and encourage more production for the country.” “I expect the Land Law to come to a conclusion from the high service of the Public Service. It is necessary for every Turkish farmer family to own the land on which they can live and work. The solid foundation and development of the homeland is on this basis. More than that, we would like to operate the large land with modern vehicles and encourage more production for the country.” “I expect the Land Law to come to a conclusion from the high service of the Public Service. It is necessary for every Turkish farmer family to own the land on which they can live and work. The solid foundation and development of the homeland is on this basis. More than that, we would like to operate the large land with modern vehicles and encourage more production for the country.”

One year before his death, Atatürk explained his longing for the last time as he opened the third year of the fifth term: “For once, no landless farmer should be left in the country. What is more important is that the land that can support a farmer's family becomes indivisible for any reason or way. The width of the land that large farmers and ranchers can operate should be limited according to the population density and soil fertility of the country where the land is located.

Measures to increase, renew and protect the work tools of all farmers, small and large, should be taken without delay. In any case, the smallest farming family should be made to have a pair of animals. In this, the ideal should be a horse, not an ox. Ox can only be tolerated in regions where some conditions are not yet available. For villagers, I generally find the plow practical and useful. Tractors can be recommended to large farmers. Using common threshing machines in the village and nearby villages should become an inseparable custom for the villagers.

It is necessary to divide the country into agricultural regions in terms of climate, water and soil fertility. In each of these regions, it is necessary to establish efficient, modern, practical agricultural centers that the villagers will set an example for their work that they can see with their own eyes.”

It is seen that Kemalist populism aims to complete the superstructure reforms with social changes to be made in line with the infrastructure. Changing the economic and social infrastructure, which Atatürk could not advise and realize during his lifetime, should now be the most important element of the dynamic ideal of the Turkish nation.

ATATURK NATIONALISM

Atatürk called the Turkish people, who waged the National War of Independence and founded the Republic of Turkey on the basis of the principle of full independence against the imperialists, "the Turkish nation". He trusted the Turkish nation and believed that no success could be achieved in a struggle without people and without relying on the people. There are many events that document this issue. Among them, we quote only one memory of Cevat Dursunoğlu below.

This is a memory that strengthens our view above:

A man was getting bigger as he fell into the horizon, looking like a statue cast from dark ore. Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the first to see this beautiful play of light and shadow, and he showed it to those around him. All those present looked in that direction. The statue descended from the ridges and was followed by the oxcarts of the Anatolian plains with new statues emerging from behind the horizon. This was a group of 20-30 emigrants, men and women, children, with five or ten oxcarts. Walking in front of the caravan, the statue slowly moved towards the willow grove. This was a large and vigorous old man. His thick and white beard filled his chest, and the sun of the Anatolian plains and the wind of the Anatolian mountains made his face bronze. With his cloak on his back and his staff in hand, he looked more like a demigod tribal chief in eastern mythology than a traveler. Realizing that the guests were important people, the old man's clever eyes lit up. He placed his large, white-feathered hand on his broad chest and greeted the seated ones. Mustafa Kemal Pasha was asking for the sake of this old man, and he was thanking him with his deep and loud voice worthy of his body. After this short pleasant five, Pasha said to the old man:

"Agha, where do you come from like that?" said. Old:

"I was an immigrant when the Russians came. I was in Çukurova. Now I am returning to my village," he replied. The Pasha wanted to convey the courtesy of the time and the insecurity of the situation, to explain that it would not be appropriate for him to return here at such a time, and that he would suffer in winter. And finally:

"Or did you not make a living there?" said. The old man promptly replied:

—"No, my Pasha, Çukurova is a paradise, a sowing and reaping, even the sultan did not have a livelihood. We were very comfortable. Only recently, I heard that the "disgraceful" people in the Istanbul government were going to hand over our Erzurum to the Armenians. I came to see who these 'namerts' are. To whom do they give their property?" This voice, coming from the faithful chest of the old man with a bronze face and a white beard, brought tears to the eyes of the heroic soldier with a bronze face like him. The great statesman, who came to this old fortification castle to work with the nation in the business of the nation, turned to his neighbors with moist eyes and said:

"What can't be achieved with this nation!" After saying that, he said goodbye to the old man.

This heartfelt few-word sentence is a third example of his belief in the greatest source of strength. He carried this belief to the end of his life. As a matter of fact, in the first months of the Great Victory, he said to the Istanbul journalists in Izmir on November 21, 1922: "They lament the truth. The word “it consists of the security and trust he showed me” became a separate expression of this belief, and the Turkish nation believed in him as he believed in the Turkish nation, and from this mutual belief, the Victory of Independence and revolutions arose.

The cornerstone of Kemalist Nationalism

The truth is that the cornerstone of Atatürk's nationalism is the integrity of the Turkish people and country. These people are the people who won the National War of Independence with the national oath "Misak-ı Milli" and founded the Republic of Turkey. This quality has a feature that distinguishes it from racism. This is the people who believe that the success is not in separatism, not in the mirror, but in the unity of the country and nation. Atatürk documented this issue with his handwriting. These manuscripts are by Prof. It is in the documents section of Afet Inan's book titled “Civil Information and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's Handwritings”. On this subject, Atatürk says:

“The people of Turkey, who founded the Turkish Republic, are called the Turkish nation. What is meant by the word nation? Let's see enough of the discussion we have been carrying out in order to make a scientific description that agrees with today's modern conceptions. Let's stop and think about it for a moment. Let's revisit the conditions we found when considering the Turkish nation that founded the Turkish Republic today:

a) Apart from our political existence, there are Turkish communities that have been destined to co-ordinate with other political groups, willingly or unwillingly, and who have the same language, race, origin and even close, distant history and morality with us. This situation, which is the result of an event in history, is a sad memory for the Turkish nation, but it can never harm the nobility and solidarity of the Turkish nation in its historical and scientific formation.

b) Within the political and social community of today's Turkish nation, we have citizens and compatriots who are trying to propagate the idea of ​​Kurdishness, Circassianism, and even Lazism or Bosnianism. However, these misnomers, which are the product of the tyranny of the past, have had no effect on any nation apart from a few enemy tools and apostate idiots. Because, this nation has the same common past, history, morals and law as the general Turkish community.

c) Is it possible to expect from the civilized Turkish nation's noble morality to see the Christian and Jewish citizens among us as foreigners after they have conscientiously attached their fate and fortunes to the Turkish nationality? The General Description of the Nation: From now on, the common past that ensures the emergence and rooting of the common national idea, morals, feelings, enthusiasm, memories and traditions among the people, the history made together, the common language that directly unites the consciences and minds are the most important factors in the formation of nations. After recording it once again, let's get a description of the nation that can fit every nation as much as possible by ignoring the secondary elements:

a) Having a rich commemorative heritage;

b) Sincere in the common desire and success in living together;

c) The name of millet is given to the society that comes into being from the union of people who have a common will to continue the preservation of the inheritance.

If this definition is examined, the value, strength and freedom of conscience in the bonds of the people who make up a nation will be understood by itself. In fact, the common legacy of victory and loss from the past; the same schedule that will accrue in the future; to be happy together, to have the same hopes together. Of course, in today's civilized mentality, they take on a meaning and scope above all other conditions.

After the formation of a nation, there is no doubt that every member of the nation has a share, participation and right to work in the national culture (culture), which comes into being through working together in the dream of the state, in economic and intellectual life. According to this, if we say that a society made up of people from a culture is called a nation, we will have made the shortest description of the nation. Inspired by the definition we have determined before, we can say that the issue of nationality is a matter of individual and collective freedom.

Principle of Nationality: The principle of nationality is the characteristic that a nation has natural or acquired special characteristics in relation to other nations, that it constitutes a different part from other nations, and that it develops in parallel with them, often apart from them. According to this principle, every individual and every nation has the right and freedom to demand goodwill about himself, and to claim his own land indifferently.

This motto easily shows us which nations are free and which are deprived of freedom in one way or another, that is, they are not worthy of carrying the name of a nation.”

APPROACH OF CIVILIZATION IN ATATÜRK

In his speech at the opening of the Grand National Assembly on 11.11.1937, one year before his death, Atatürk said: “Our great cause is to increase our existence as the most civilized and prosperous nation. This is the dynamic ideal of the great Turkish nation, which has made a fundamental revolution not only in its institutions but also in its thoughts. In order to achieve this ideal as soon as possible, we have to carry out ideas and actions together. Success in this attempt can only be possible with a systematic plan and working in the most rational manner.”

These words indicate the dynamic element of Kemalism in reaching contemporary civilization. This element shows that it is in a quality that cannot be compared with the Ottoman reform movements. Ottoman reform movements were not a radical revolution made in a rational manner. Therefore, they kept the social structure under the pressure of cultural duplication and lost their influence in a short time.

Kemalism, on the other hand, adopts a fundamental reform in both institutions and ideas as a dynamic ideal. The real meaning of this is: Turkish society will leave the eastern Islamic social order and traditional patterns. If he does not abandon this and does not turn to modern civilization alone, he will not be able to get rid of this reduplication disease that destroys the social structure and lead the society to prosperity and happiness. Modernization, which is the dynamic ideal of the Turkish nation, that is, the love of life in the society, the speed of movement and the realization of the workforce cannot be realized in the religious system and the scholastic thought system of the madrasah. In this case, it was inevitable that the religious system and the madrasa scholastic thought would struggle with the modernization movement. In order to prevent this conflict, Atatürk will either destroy religion by being hostile to religion, or by giving place to religious beliefs in conscience,

Atatürk was not hostile to religion. He just collapsed the sharia order. To engage in full secularization; the only education, namely secular education; instead of the only justice, that is, secular justice and the scholastic system of thought and living, it has brought the secular system of thought and living.

Kemalist Secularism Oriented to Social Structure

There are also those who regard secularization as a civilizational movement undertaken only in the superstructure. In our opinion, the characteristic of Kemalist secularism is its orientation towards infrastructure. The point to be noted in Kemalist secularism is this: Kemalist secularism is not content with the separation of religion and state. It aims to control religious circles so that religion does not interfere with state affairs. Since the aim of Kemalism is contemporary civilization, modernization will not occur if this control cannot be made by the state.

In order to protect this issue in terms of law, in 1937, the Constitution was stipulated that the state is a secular Republic. This constitutional guarantee was also made into a broad provision in the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions.

ECONOMIC PROBLEMS IN Atatürkism

Kemalist Statism

Atatürk states the following in his speech in the Grand National Assembly dated March 1, 1922, regarding economic policy: “One of the important goals of our economic policy is to nationalize economic enterprises and institutions that will directly concern the public interest, in proportion to the permission of our finances and technical power.” He also explains the main elements of the concept of nationalization, which is shown as one of the important goals of our economic policy, in his speech shown above: “It is only possible to realize the interest of our nation by operating the mineral treasures under our land in a short time, only by nationalization thanks to this method.”

In what way will the new Turkish State achieve success in the field of economy? Atatürk believes that a solution to this question can be found with a planned study. In a speech he gave with journalists in Ankara on December 6, 1922, he said: “Our work is doomed to failure unless it is based on a program that will be followed and implemented over the years. Reform attempts, which are not based on a program that will address the urgent needs of our nation as well as being objective, cannot escape being personal and arbitrary.

As it is seen, Atatürk believes that the economy should be carried out by being connected to a plan. However, he is not satisfied with this and wants the people to be convinced of it so that this plan can be realized. In this persuasion movement, Atatürk points out that it is necessary to make use of patriotic experts. Thus, he expresses his belief that there can be no development without integration with the people (from the top) with the following words in terms of meaning: “For any program to be a guide for a long working period, it is necessary for all patriots in the country to help it. It cannot be hoped that a program that does not contain the reforming ambitions of a large mass of patriots will be successful and lasting.

While the economic policy of the new Turkish State is in question, which of the fields of agriculture, industry and trade covered by this policy will gain weight? In the conference convened in London under the name of "International Money and Economics Conference" in June 1933, industrialist states wanted to prevent the industrialization of raw material countries in order to prevent depressions. They were working to prevent the industrialization of agricultural countries. At that time, Atatürk had declared that he would not accept such a thesis and that he would establish industries whose raw materials were in our country without delay. In his answer to this conference by the government, Atatürk claimed that he would support the collective measures and actions that will help to improve Turkey's international situation, only with a cooperation that will suit Turkey's special conditions and independence.

On the same subject, Atatürk said in his speech at the opening of the Grand National Assembly in 1937: “When it comes to economic life, I consider agriculture, trade, industry works and all public works to be considered as a whole, which is not correct.” With these words, Atatürk does not want to be given weight to only one of agriculture, trade and industry. He followed the method of acting only according to the realities of the country in the field of economy, without deviating from doctrinal discussions. He also says the following on this subject: “The homeland we live in, the Turkish nation that we live in, and the conclusions we draw from the leaves of the history of nations that have suffered a thousand and one disasters.” With these views and beliefs, Atatürk indicates the statism policy to be followed by the new Turkish State as follows: (Atatürk's following words, Prof. Taken from Afet Inan's book, Civil Information and Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's Handwriting.) “Our Republic is still very young. All the vital works that he inherited from the past are not sufficient to satisfy the necessities of the time. As in political and intellectual life, it would not be right to expect the results of individuals' attempts in economic affairs. It should be preferred that the government, which is active with regulation, undertakes the important and great works only by relying on the public wealth of the nation and all the organization and power of the state, and taking over the implementation and execution of national sovereignty as much as possible. Many of the things that some other states may consider inferior and that it is okay to be left to the initiatives of individuals are imaginary for us. And it should be counted among the most important state duties. In short, those who govern the Republic of Turkey, Although they do not depart from the principle of democracy (moderate statism), it would be appropriate for the conditions, conditions and obligations we are in today. The principle of (moderate statism), which we consider to be applicable, is not a system that does not allow private and individual economic initiatives and activities, such as collectivism or communism, based on the principles of socialism, which pursues the aim of arranging the nation on completely different principles by taking all means of production and distribution from individuals. In short, our aim is to keep the statism, individual work and activity as the basis, and to make the nation prosperous in as little time as possible, and to take care of the state in the affairs necessitated by the country, especially in the economic field.” The principle of (moderate statism), which we consider to be applicable, is not a system that does not allow private and individual economic initiatives and activities, such as collectivism or communism, based on the principles of socialism, which pursues the aim of arranging the nation on completely different principles by taking all means of production and distribution from individuals. In short, our aim is to keep the statism, individual work and activity as the basis, and to make the nation prosperous in as little time as possible, and to take care of the state in the affairs necessitated by the country, especially in the economic field.” The principle of (moderate statism), which we consider to be applicable, is not a system that does not allow private and individual economic initiatives and activities, such as collectivism or communism, based on the principles of socialism, which pursues the aim of arranging the nation on completely different principles by taking all means of production and distribution from individuals. In short, our aim is to keep the statism, individual work and activity as the basis, and to make the nation prosperous in as little time as possible, and to take care of the state in the affairs necessitated by the country, especially in the economic field.” It is not a system that does not allow private and individual economic initiatives and activities, such as collectivism or communism, based on the principles of socialism, which pursues the aim of arranging the nation on completely different principles by taking all means of production and distribution from individuals. In short, our aim is to keep the statism, individual work and activity as the basis, and to make the nation prosperous in as little time as possible, and to take care of the state in the affairs necessitated by the country, especially in the economic field.” It is not a system that does not allow private and individual economic initiatives and activities, such as collectivism or communism, based on the principles of socialism, which pursues the aim of arranging the nation on completely different principles by taking all means of production and distribution from individuals. In short, our aim is to keep the statism, individual work and activity as the basis, and to make the nation prosperous in as little time as possible, and to take care of the state in the affairs necessitated by the country, especially in the economic field.”

With these words, Atatürk gradually shaped the idea of ​​nationalization on March 1, 1922 and brought it to the principles that would be the basis of economic policy. Although a free trade policy was carried out in the Republic of Turkey between 1923 and 1929, this economic system could not achieve the expected development. As a matter of fact, in the message read on the occasion of the opening of the Izmir Fair in August 1935, we find a repetition of the above texts in terms of meaning. The text of this message is as follows: “The statism system implemented by Turkey is not a system that has been translated from the ideas put forward by the socialist theorists since the 19th century. This is a system unique to Turkey, born out of Turkey's needs. In our opinion, the meaning of statism is as follows: To base the private initiatives and activities of individuals, but taking into account all the needs of a great nation and that many things have not been done, to take the economy of the country into the hands of the state; The State of the Republic of Turkey wanted to do the things that could not be done with individual and private initiatives in the Turkish homeland for centuries, and it was able to do it in a short time. The path we follow, as it turns out, is a path other than liberalism.” After 1931, Atatürk made this policy an element of Kemalism by following the economic policy that followed the principles stated above until his death. The State of the Republic of Turkey wanted to do the things that could not be done with individual and private initiatives in the Turkish homeland for centuries, and it was able to do it in a short time. The path we follow, as it turns out, is a path other than liberalism.” After 1931, Atatürk made this policy an element of Kemalism by following the economic policy that followed the principles stated above until his death. The State of the Republic of Turkey wanted to do the things that could not be done with individual and private initiatives in the Turkish homeland for centuries, and it was able to do it in a short time. The path we follow, as it turns out, is a path other than liberalism.” After 1931, Atatürk made this policy an element of Kemalism by following the economic policy that followed the principles stated above until his death.

In various parts of our article, we tried to review the main elements of Kemalism separately. We examined the concept of Kemalism. Now, we will end our article by reviewing Kemalism, which consists of these elements, once again. Kemalists established a fully independent and national republic after the War of Independence, which was successful against the imperialists for the first time. This unique achievement has set an example for the oppressed nations of the world. However, they do not settle for military victories and consider it their goal to make changes in the socio-economic infrastructure for the benefit of the people in order to maintain full independence. In order to reach the level of contemporary civilization, they do not remain only at the political level and the superstructure. They turn to social and economic infrastructure and in this structure they aim to develop the people for the people, with the power of the people.

In the branches of arts and sciences, while activating the creative power according to the realities and needs of this country, they do this with a secular, rational and free thinking, based on positive science and free emotion. They continue their research and experiments only by referring to these sources. Kemalists are not content with staying only on the plan of ideas; They also work for innovation and development. That is why Kemalism is an anti-imperialist, anti-colonial, secular, progressive and on-going, dynamic, continuous development movement and system.