ATATÜRK and NATIONALISM

ENTRANCE

As a basic instinct of people, the feeling that people who speak like themselves, believe like themselves, share their own customs and traditions and come from the same root, live better and be superior, has always taken place naturally in people's thoughts.

The most important period in the history of nationalism is undoubtedly the XIX. century. In this century, humanity has made great progress in political, military, economic and other social fields. One of these recorded developments is the awakening of nations and the spread of nationalist ideas. The social ideas and events that started in this period were very fast in the XX. moved to the century and XX. It formed the basis of the developments of the century. In today's modern sense, XIX. Starting in the century XX. Before discussing the nationalism, which became widespread in the 19th century and was influential in the political reshaping of the world, it would be useful to briefly describe the nation.

The word millet has passed into the Turkish language from Arabic. However, the meaning of nation in Arabic is not the same as the meaning of nation as we understand it today. Millet in Arabic refers to human communities connected to each other within the framework of religious unity. 2 Today, the definition of nation in the modern sense accepted in Western languages ​​is the same root, the same ancestry and common bonds, as the equivalent of the French word “nation”. 3

As a matter of fact, Ziya Gökalp, who first dated the nation as a social fact among Turks, also stated that the basic factors that formed the nation were not race, tribe, geography; He stated that it is a community that is common in terms of language, morality and sense of beauty, that is, it is a community consisting of individuals who have received the same upbringing. 4

Along with these definitions, there are two dominant views in the definition of millet. The first of these is the objective understanding of nation. According to this view; A nation is a community of people of the same race, speaking the same language and believing in the same religion. The second view is the subjective or cultural understanding of nation. According to this understanding; Definitions based on race, language or religion are missing in the formation of a nation. In other words, there must be cultural unity, unity of heart, unity of ideals, coexistence and common history consciousness among the individuals in a society. 5

Nationalism, that is, “nationalism”, is a feeling of nationality and at the same time a movement of ideas that act on the necessity of the nation. 6 This feeling manifests itself as a feeling of deep spiritual devotion and reverence towards the national history of the individuals, their past achievements, and their disasters and sufferings. 7 In short, nationalism is to love one's nation, to trust it and to defend its existence with one's blood. 8

NATIONALITY AND NATIONALISM IN TURKS

After briefly mentioning the concepts of nation and nationalism, it is useful to mention the historical development of the concepts of nation and nationalism in Turks.

The concept of nation and nationality in Turks has existed since ancient times. It is striking that the Turks established their national unity within the consciousness of the nation with Mete, who managed to gather the Turkish tribes under a flag for the first time in history and is mentioned as Oguz Khan in Turkish epics. Again, when the speech of Chi-Chi, one of the Asian Hun Emperors, and the concepts in the Orhun monuments are examined, it is seen that there is a national feeling, national consciousness and the idea of ​​nationality in the past of the Turkish nation. 9

It is possible to clearly see the idea of ​​nation, nationalism and even Turkish unity in the Orkhon monuments, which we can accept as written documents of Turkish nationalism. In these documents, it is said that "My father, İlteriş Kagan, and my mother, il Bilge Hatun, were lifted up from the hill of God so that the Turkish nation would not perish and become a nation." 10 The words “Do not let the Turkish nation perish” are proof that Turks had a national feeling about 1300 years ago. 11 Again, in the same inscriptions, “O Turkish Oghuz Beys, it is the work of the nation, who can disrupt your city, your ceremony, unless the blue sky above falls and the rainy ground is pierced below. Turkish nation, tremble and return to yourself. In this address, the belief that the Turkish nation will live as long as the world exists is clearly expressed.

1. The principle of belief and pride in the supremacy and greatness of the Turkish nation

2. The principle of preserving the characteristics that make Turks Turkish, preserving national traditions and avoiding imitation

3. The principle of non-dividing Turks and Turkish unity

4. The principle that power and rulers exist to serve the nation12

National feelings and national consciousness in Turks are not limited to the pre-Islamic period of Turks. We see that these national feelings continued after the Turks accepted Islam. As a matter of fact, these national feelings are clearly seen in Kaşgarlı Mahmut's “Divan-ü Lügat-it Türk”. Kaşgarlı Mahmut gave place to many hadiths in his work that the Turks were praised by the Prophet. Fahrettin Mubarakşah, on the other hand, mentioned the importance of Turkish language in his “Şecere-i Ensab” and stated that Turkish is superior to other languages. 13

After the Turks accepted Islam, they brought their national unity to the fore. Important personalities such as Ahmet Yesevi and Yunus Emre continued their national feelings in unity of language and spirit. In these periods, the influence and dominance of the Persian language on the Turkish language was ended by Karamanlı Mehmet Bey, by ordering that Turkish be the language of writing and court. This respect and devotion he showed to his own language, which comes from the flow of his own History, can undoubtedly be regarded as the first traces of the nationalist movement in language.

National feelings have been alive in almost all Turkish tribes. For example, XV. In the 16th century, national consciousness can be shown in the works of Ali Şir Nevai in the field of Çağatay. Ali Şir Nevai understood the damage of foreign languages ​​on Turkish language and culture very well and showed this through knowledge with reasonable evidence. It is seen that in his work named “Muhakema'tül Lûgateyn”, he also put forward opinions that Turkish and Turkishness are superior to Persian language and Persian. In this regard, “Turks are more sharp-witted, superior-understanding people than Iranians. He expressed his opinion on this subject by saying, “Turkish is superior to Iran in words and phrases, that is, in forming sentences”.

The same national feelings and practices are also seen in the Ottoman Empire. II. During the Murat period, writing Turkish works on the History of the Turks and giving importance to the implementation of Turkish customs in the state administration came into the agenda, and even went so far as to consider the great figures raised by humanity as Turks. Because at that time, there was a prevailing idea that distinguished personalities could only come from Turks. 15

Although traces of nationalism have not been encountered in the written literature and state practices of Turks since ancient times, as stated above, nationalism in today's sense has emerged with the subsequent developments in the French Revolution. As a result of Napoleon's military invasion attempts, concepts such as freedom, equality, republic and secularism brought by the revolution, along with the ideology of nationalism, spread all over Europe. 16 The wars in Europe and the European nation-states established afterwards also awakened the nations within the Ottoman Empire, and rebellions with nationalistic feelings started against the state. 17 The revolts that started with the nationalist movements among the Christian Balkan nations in the past, spread throughout the following years and started to be seen among the Muslims living in the empire.18 These developments caused the awakening of the Turkish intellectuals among the Ottoman Turks; influenced the emergence and spread of nationalism.

THE EMERGING OF NATIONALISM IN OTTOMAN TURKS

There are many reasons for the emergence of the idea of ​​nationalism in the Ottoman Turks. The first of these, as mentioned before, are the revolts that broke out as a result of Napoleon's wars in Europe, the establishment of European national states, and the Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire, and the negative effects of these events on Turkish intellectuals. Other reasons can be listed as follows:

1. The spread of nationality ideas among Christian subjects.

2. Establishment of autonomous and independent states in the lands of the Ottoman Empire.

3. The tendencies of the provinces inhabited by the Muslim population to secede from the empire.

4. Migration of Turks from other parts of the empire to Anatolia and Rumelia.

5. Changes in the minds of statesmen in the face of events.

6. The political, cultural and economic pressures of the Europeans on the Turks.

7. Turkish youth's contacts with Europeans.

8. The activities of the Russian Turks and Tatars, who later encountered Russian Pan-Slavism and reacted more and more with their national consciousness, fed by the Turkology studies of the Russians.19

As a result of all these reasons, we see that a movement towards nationalism has started in Turkish intellectuals. 20

Especially II. Intellectuals who defended Turkish nationalism during the reign of Abdulhamid were generally influenced by the western nationality ideas, the west's propaganda against Turks, the work of western scholars among minorities, the spread of nationality ideas in non-Turkish Muslim communities and their tendency to leave the empire.

The systematic emergence of nationalism was due to the events that took place later. In the face of the movements of the European great powers and non-Muslims to overthrow the state, the great loss of territory, the vindictive behavior that emerged as a result of economic and political pressures, the solidarity of the Turks in order to keep the state alive, the efforts to raise the national prestige (as Ottoman and Islamic) laid the foundation for its development. Another factor in the development of nationalism was the XIX. The reason is that there are many migration events from the Crimea, the Caucasus and the Balkans to the lands remaining as a result of the land losses that started from the 19th century. It is estimated that approximately 5 million people migrated from the above-mentioned regions during this period. This number represents a very large audience for that period. 21 Among these people who migrated from the lost lands, there were many people with a high level of education. These people, who played important roles in the Ottoman political and cultural life, had a particularly fierce hostility to Russia and an emotional attachment to their homeland. The national sentiment and nationalist thoughts in these also influenced the Turkish intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire. Especially after the Crimean War, the Ottoman state's interest in the Turks in Russia and its political relations were also effective in the nationalist revival.22 These people, who played important roles in the Ottoman political and cultural life, had a particularly fierce hostility to Russia and an emotional attachment to their homeland. The national sentiment and nationalist thoughts in these also influenced the Turkish intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire. Especially after the Crimean War, the Ottoman state's interest in the Turks in Russia and its political relations were also effective in the nationalist revival.22 These people, who played important roles in the Ottoman political and cultural life, had a particularly fierce hostility to Russia and an emotional attachment to their homeland. The national sentiment and nationalist thoughts in these also influenced the Turkish intellectuals in the Ottoman Empire. Especially after the Crimean War, the Ottoman state's interest in the Turks in Russia and its political relations were also effective in the nationalist revival.22

All these developments first strengthened the Islamic solidarity, and later on, with the influence of the developing political, social, cultural and economic events, they led to the development of Turkish nationalism. With the emergence of the Arab literary awakening and nationalism among the Arabs, especially the Christian elements in the state, and then the Muslim population outside the Turks, especially with the influence of the Europeans, the Turks began to feel themselves slowly.

All these developments in the Ottoman state naturally led the state administrators to take many measures. He started to take some military, political and administrative measures against these nationalist developments that would damage the multi-national structure of the empire, and tried to keep the nations within it around the idea of ​​empire. 23 For this purpose, he declared the Tanzimat within the framework of the idea of ​​equality. The idea of ​​developing Ottomanism was tried to be developed as an ideology, especially by the Young Ottomans (Young Turks). The aim was to unite the nations within the empire around the notion of a common homeland with equal political rights. 24 However, none of the Young Turks has come up with a deep theory, an original political formula, or an ideology that will constantly engage the minds. The Young Turks had to accept some other political and social worldviews after complaining about their lack of opinion for a long time. 25

However, it was very difficult to unite these nations, who did not know the concept of homeland until that day, around a goal. Although equality before the law and between religions and the right to become an Ottoman citizen were given to everyone with the Tanzimat Edict, which was prepared and put into practice for this purpose, and the subsequent reform announcements, an environment of trust could not be established between Muslims and non-Muslims since the infrastructure was not ready. While Muslims did not accept being equal to Christians in terms of sharia, Christians were not satisfied with matters such as military service and taxes. At that time, insecurity was so advanced that I believe the following example is sufficient to explain the situation. It is known that Namık Pasha said to a foreign statesman, who believed that Christians should be recruited when the issue of military service of Christians came to the fore, and told this to Serasker Namık Pasha, "Such a thing would be to establish a pioneer army for the Tsar". 27

Among the rulers and intellectuals who understood that the idea of ​​Ottomanism and the state could not be kept together, the idea of ​​keeping the Muslims, who constituted the majority of the empire, predominated this time. This idea was also the most pervasive ideological force of the empire. 29 However, with this idea of ​​Islamism, the desired goal could not be achieved, especially due to the nationalist ambitions of the non-Turkish Muslim groups in the empire.

Many of the elements that created Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism also led to the development of Turkish nationalism, which was still in its infancy at that time. The success of the nationalist movements in Germany and Italy and the nationalist ambitions of Muslims and non-Muslims in the empire led to the emergence of a Turkish identity consciousness, and Turkish nationalism was almost forcibly cultivated.30

In the political life that diversified after 1908, the nationalism movement became more evident and started the nationalism debates that the Young Turks ignored. 31 However, there is a difference. It was understood that the idea of ​​Ottomanism could not hold the state together, and it began to be seen that the idea of ​​Islamism did not unite the Muslims.

The foundations of Turkish nationalism had made great progress in the field of language, history and literature, and its cultural foundations had been laid. The development of the idea of ​​nationalism, II. Benefiting from the freedom environment brought by the Second Constitutional Monarchy, it began to spread and organize more rapidly. For this reason, the organization of Turkism II. We say it happened after the Constitutional Monarchy. In this period, besides many publications, many societies were also established.

NATIONAL STRUGGLE AND NATIONALISM

II. While these Turkism activities of the Constitutional Monarchy period and the ideas and thoughts of the Turkists of this period continued to be the biggest and most effective power in the Ottoman Empire, the Ottoman Empire found itself in the First World War that broke out. In this war, including the intellectuals of the Ottoman Empire, they tried to save the empire.

As a matter of fact, the defeat of the Ottoman Empire together with its allies as a result of the First World War, which lasted for 4 years, prepared its own de facto end. At the end of the war, this last became official with the Armistice of Mudros, signed on October 30, 1918. However, the Armistice of Mudros, with the provisions it contained, was capable of bringing the end not only of the Ottoman Empire, but also of the Turks. As a matter of fact, the later practices mobilized the Turkish nationalists, and the Treaty of Sèvres infuriated the Turks. Therefore, the Turks were forced to engage in a new struggle at the end of the long and exhausting First World War. 32

Undoubtedly, the years 1919-1922 were an important stage for the Turkish nation to gain its independence. During this period, Turkish nationalism was active in every way. In the new struggle under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the Turks came to the idea that liberation would be achieved by turning to national goals and realizing the consciousness of national history. 33

In this period, a nation that ruled a large and important part of the world's geography for centuries and that ruled many nations living in these geographies with justice, fell into an undeserved situation, which offended them immensely. This situation fueled their sense of rebellion.34

The fact that many nations, which were previously a minority in the empire and were respectful to the Turks, became first class citizens and the Turks were despised in their own homeland, the cooperation of minorities with the enemy, the plight of the Istanbul Government and the sultan against the enemy, caused an increase in nationalist feelings among Turks and Turkish intellectuals.

The root of the increase and maturation of nationalist feelings is XIX. In addition to the Turkism movement dating back to the last period of the 19th century, it is seen that some new political and social conditions also had an impact. There are many reasons for the increase in nationalist feelings during this period. These;

a. As members of a prestigious state that has lived by dominating foreigners for centuries, the feelings of rebellion that emerged in the face of the pressure of western states,

b. While minorities in the empire were treated as first-class citizens, Turks were despised in their homeland and made second-class citizens,

c. Cooperation of Greek and Armenian minorities with the enemy,

D. We can count the indifference of the Istanbul Government in the face of the heartbreaking events in the homeland.

In fact, when we pay attention to the words originating from Ankara in this period, it is seen how far the national feelings were. Words such as “National Independence, National Struggle, National Movement, National Victory, Hakimiyet-i Milliye, Kuva-yı Milliye, National Pact, Grand National Assembly” are the biggest proofs for this. When these words are examined, it is seen that they carry a high nationalism meaning. 36

Expressing that the National Struggle is a nationalist movement, Samet Ağaoğlu said, “However, the entire history of the National Struggle, the great stage of this History, the minutes of the First Grand National Assembly, the speeches of the people who led the struggle, especially Atatürk, for various reasons. It shows that the Turkish element, the founder of the empire, after they broke up and formed as separate states, was nothing but a struggle to establish a separate state. In this respect, the National Struggle is first and foremost a nationalist movement. 37

Remzi Oğuz Arık on this subject; He says, “The first nationalism, which was linked to the independence struggles in Anatolia in the form of Turanism and with "Comprowis" (conciliations), became a Sirat bridge that we had to cross in order to find the right and destined path”38.

Some western soldiers and writers consider the basis of this nationalist movement in Anatolia as a nationalist movement based on the understanding of populism, Admiral Calthorpe, the British High Commissioner in Istanbul, uses the following expressions regarding Turkish nationalism in his telegram dated 23 June 1919 to Lord Curzon: Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who gained great fame in the Dardanelles Wars, seems to have made himself the center of nationalist sentiment since his arrival in Samsun as an army inspector a month ago.” 39

Admiral Sir F. Roeck also sent a telegram to Lord Curzon on 17 September 1919; “... The prime minister offered to send troops against the nationalists. But this would not be a wise move. At least he starts a civil war and worse, these groups can unite with Mustafa Kemal. The Palace and its allies are weak in this regard. We are thinking of sending the vehicle to Mustafa Kemal,” said Admiral Calthorpe. 40

Berthe Georges-Gaulis, a French journalist who came to Anatolia and met with Mustafa Kemal Atatürk during the years of the War of Independence; “Thus, nationalism conquered all of Anatolia in a few weeks. This event took place before the eyes of the weak, helpless and enraged British.”41

With the National Struggle, Turkish intellectuals' national consciousness later turned into national will. The protests of the occupation forces with the rallies held in Istanbul during this period and the reactions that followed in Anatolia show that the consciousness of Turkishness spread all over the country in this period. 42 Amasya Circular, the decisions taken at the Erzurum Congress, the National Pact, the Sivas Congress, the opening of the Grand National Assembly were expressions of national consciousness.

It is a fact that the unifying power of the religion of Islam had an effect on the spirit of the Kuva-yı Milliye, which fed the National Struggle. Opening of the Grand National Assembly on Friday after the prayer and reading the "Quran-ı Kerim" and Buhar-i Şerif all over the country 43 Giving the title of Gazi to Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the National Anthem written by Mehmet Akif Ersoy Gazi Mustafa Kemal in the National Struggle It also shows Atatürk's perspective on religion. 44

The understanding of nationalism that dominates the Turkish National Struggle is also a contemporary nationalism. This contemporary nationalist concept in foreign policy was determined in the first article of the National Pact: "The lands of the Ottoman Islamic majority, who abide by the local traditions and living laws based on the feelings of unity, respect for each other and sacrifice in terms of religion, race and origin (ancestry) within the borders of the armistice, cannot be separated. ” 45 It cannot be claimed that there is a contradiction between the words "Ottoman and Islam" and the words "race and origin". Because this idea means to count everyone living within the borders of the same race, same lineage.

Nationalism is the source, and even the cornerstone, of the efforts of countries to ensure independence and to establish democratic administration at the same time. Therefore, it is impossible to ignore the nationalist nature of the Turkish National Struggle. It is possible to evaluate the Turkish National Struggle as a large-scale nationalist movement that emerged in the east against the colonialism and colonization ambitions of the Western states.

Although there were various ideas in the national assembly established during the years of the National Struggle, the strongest feeling was undoubtedly the feeling of nationalism. The parliament is based on national sovereignty. In fact, it is most natural to have various ideas with national assemblies. Because assemblies dominated by a single idea are essentially incompatible with the notion of a national assembly. When the minutes of the Grand National Assembly are examined, it is possible to see that these ideas existed and they clashed strongly. It is possible to divide the defenders of ideas in the First National Assembly into three as Tesanütçüler (Unionists), Nationalists and Communists (albeit few). We can divide the nationalists into three as Reformists, Conservatives and Liberals. 46

The main objectives agreed upon by this assembly were as follows:

* To lead the National Assembly to success,

* Not to interfere with the rights of the assembly,

* To monitor and control the government at all times,

* Keeping the authority of the national will always high and alive.47

The National Struggle shows the invincible strength and claims of the Turkish nation. Nationalism has become a condition of standing for the Turkish nation as it is in every nation. As a matter of fact, in the national struggle, it is necessary to evaluate the perseverance and belief that kept the Turkish people standing and struggling against the mighty enemy, in the spirit of nationalism, perhaps in the most difficult conditions of history. Throughout the history of the National Struggle, the First Grand National Assembly has kept nationalism in the foreground in the contemporary sense, and never made a racist practice in any of its decisions. 48

The independence war of the country, which was skilfully managed under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, unlike all other emotions and ideologies, has mobilized the support of the people by processing the feeling of patriotism and protecting the homeland against invaders.

Like this;

1. The Turkish nation applied to local measures organized among themselves.

2. The enemy was protested with the rallies and the Turkish consciousness was spread throughout the country.

3. With the Amasya Circular and congresses, the consciousness of Turkishness was transformed into national will.

4. With the Misak-ı Milli, a concrete concept of homeland was created.

National sovereignty was established with the opening of the 5th National Assembly.

6. By achieving success, the peak of national consciousness and national power has been reached. 49

THE PRINCIPLE OF NATIONALISM IN THE FIRST YEARS OF THE REPUBLIC AND ATATURK

The Ottoman Empire disappeared into history, and as a result of the National Struggle, the Republic of Turkey, which was governed by a new state and a new system, was established. The new republic that was established was a national state, mostly Turks, with a national character, founded on regions where Turks were the majority. For this reason, the new policy to be followed had to be national. In fact, an understanding of nationalism that continued even in the years of the national struggle (which played a unifying role in the war of independence) was carried over in the Republican period as well. 50

The collapse of the Ottoman Empire discredited all the main political ideologies that had prevailed before. Ottomanism lost its reason for existence, and Islamism and Pan-Turkism failed to save the Empire. Therefore, following 1923, Mustafa Kemal made an effort to govern the new Republic with a new unifying understanding of nationalism. 51 Among the nationalists in the Ottoman period, they carried the ideas of nationalism, especially the ideas and thoughts of Ziya Gökalp, to the Republic. Thus, the ideas of nationalism in the Ottoman period were also carried to a certain extent into the ideology of the new state. In the newly established state, the idea of ​​nationalism envisioned by Atatürk was accepted as one of the basic principles. In fact, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in a speech he made in Eskişehir in 1921, said, “Neither the Islamic Union nor the Turkish Union can create a doctrine or a logical policy for us. From now on, the government policy of the new Turkey consists of relying on Turkey's own sovereignty and living independently within its national borders. In fact, the idea of ​​living independently, staying within national borders, relying on national sovereignty are the ideas that Atatürk defended after the establishment of the Republic. This speech also showed that Turkey was moving away from Pan-Turkism. Atatürk repeated a similar speech in 1927. 53 government policy consists of relying on Turkey's self-sovereignty and living independently within its national borders. In fact, the idea of ​​living independently, staying within national borders, relying on national sovereignty are the ideas that Atatürk defended after the establishment of the Republic. This speech also showed that Turkey was moving away from Pan-Turkism. Atatürk repeated a similar speech in 1927. 53 government policy consists of relying on Turkey's self-sovereignty and living independently within its national borders. In fact, the idea of ​​living independently, staying within national borders, relying on national sovereignty are the ideas that Atatürk defended after the establishment of the Republic. This speech also showed that Turkey was moving away from Pan-Turkism. Atatürk repeated a similar speech in 1927. 53

We see that the ideas of Turkist and nationalist intellectuals of the Constitutional Period, who defended Pan-Turkism with the influence of the new understanding of nationalism introduced by Atatürk in the first years of the establishment of the Republic, changed partially or completely. Mehmet Emin (Yurdakul) rearranged his own poems and started to use the word homeland instead of the word Turan. Ahmet Ağaoğlu accepted the press office directorate. In 1923 and later in 1927, he was elected as a deputy to the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Ağaoğlu told a French journalist, “Ankara is a nationalist, renounced the ostentation of the former Ottoman Empire. It wishes to establish a modest Turkish Home surrounded by ethnographic Turkish borders. For this, he needs peace and tranquility.” On the other hand, Yusuf Akçura said, As a history professor, he evaluated the new Turkish Republic as a country where Pan-Turkist views were realized. In addition, Tekin Alp, one of the Turkists of the Constitutional Period, became a fierce Kemalist in this period. More precisely, he adopted the nationalist ideas of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk.

The understanding of nationalism, which has been applied since the first years of the Republic, has been a forward-looking nationalism that foresees the modernization of Turkish society. 55 On secularism and reforms in the Republican era n. It went further than the constitutionalist nationalists imagined. In the first years of the Republic, Foreign Turks could not be dealt with sufficiently. The reforms made in the new republic also had an effect on this. In fact, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, in his speech in 1927, emphasized that Turkey would be busy with its internal borders. This policy pursued by Turkey aimed to normalize its relations with the Soviet Union. 56 On the other hand, one of the reasons why Turkey gave up on this was that it focused on the restructuring of the state that was destroyed during the war. In this period, the state made its understanding of nationalism through the press, schools, various government offices, the Republican People's Party and the Turkish Hearth. 57

Nationalism, which was considered only as a political goal in the form of defending and saving the homeland during the years of the National Struggle, became a goal expressing all life and activities, including political, cultural and economic, by expanding its meaning after the National Struggle. 58

Although the understanding of nationalism in the first years of the Republic was theoretically fed by constitutionalist nationalism, it differs in practice. Kemal Karpat; He evaluates the difference between the understanding of nationalism in the Constitutional and Republican periods as follows.

“... Majority of the nationalists found the main reason why the Ottoman Empire could not create a national culture and therefore could not become a national state and could not adapt to the conditions of new times in Islam. Both this new nationalism and the doctrine of nationalism of the period it aimed at differed more or less from the views of Ziya Gökalp, who was the first to operate systematically. The nationalism that Ziya Gökalp based on religion, history and traditional society was replaced by a rational and highly secular nationalism. Gökalp's secularism actually aimed to adapt Islam to the Turkish lifestyle and to interpret religious institutions from this perspective, including the caliphate. Now, however, religion has completely separated from the state and the state has entered a superior position.

CONCLUSION

Various researchers working on the understanding of nationalism in the first years of the Republic and Atatürk's practices of nationalism state the main features of this understanding as follows:

a. It attaches great importance to national unity and integrity.

b. It is against class struggle,

c. It is realistic and based on the concept of homeland,

D. Not aggressive but peaceful.

to. It is against racism,

f. It is against currents that reject nationalism,

g. It is connected with the principle of secularism,

h. It is related to the principle of national sovereignty and is aimed at democracy.

 

1 For more information on how nationalist movements have shaped Europe in particular, see. Elie Kedourie, Nationalism in Europe, (Trans. M. Haluk Timurtaş). Ankara 1971. p. 15-50; Fahir Armaoğlu, Political History 1789-1960, Ankara 1973 p. 1-30.

2 Mehmet İzzet, Theories of Nationality and National Life, Istanbul, 1969, p. 15.

3 Mehmet Eröz, Atatürk Nationalism, Eastern Anatolia, Istanbul 1987, p. 59.

4 Ziya Gokalp, Principles of Turkism, (Haz. Mehmet Kaplan), Ankara 1986, p. 17-18; We melt. age, p. 10.

5 Yusuf Sarinay, Atatürk's Understanding of Nation and Nationalism, Ankara, 1990, p. 7, 8; For the Effect of the Historical Process on the Formation of the Nation, see. Hilmi Ziya Ülken, Nation and History Awareness, Istanbul 1976; Edward H. Carr, Nationalism and Afterwards (Trans. Osman Akın), Istanbul 1990; s. 3-25.

6 İsmail Hakkı Baltacıoğlu, Towards the Turk, Ankara 1994, p. 13.

7 Sadri Maksûdî Arsal, Sociological Principles of the Sense of Nationality, Istanbul, 1979. p. 81; Developing historical studies had a great impact on the strengthening of the nationalist movement. Because in this way, nations started to think about their future as they learned about their past. For more information on the relations between historical studies and nationalism, see. Hans Kohn, Nationalism Its Making History, New York 1955, p. 25-60.

8 Sevket Süreyya Aydemir, From Macedonia to Central Asia Enver Pofa, CH, Istanbul 1971, p. 447.

9 Adnan Sofuoğlu, “Turkism from Activities Between 1930-1940”, Journal of Turkish Culture Studies, Year 31/1-2, Ankara 1995, p. 361; See also for more information. Renzi Oğuz Ank, Turkish Revolution and Our Nationalism, Ankara 1981, p. 3-15; Şükrü Elçin, Turkism and Nationalism, Ankara 1978, p. 11-25.

10 Ahmet Bican Ercilasun, “Turkism and Youth”, Turkish Culture, Issue 325, May 1990, p. 259.

The declared state established under the name of 11 Turks is the Göktürks. However, the Turkish-speaking Anatolia was called Turkey XI. It was given by the Europeans in the century. The name of Turkey appears for the first time in the chronicle of the Barbarossa Crusade of 1190- This idiom is from XIII. It has been widely used by western writers since the 19th century. However, the Turks themselves used this expression as the official name of their country after 1923. See. Bernard Lewis, East of Modern Turkey, Ankara 1970, p. 1-2.

12 Şükrü Elçin, “Turkism and Nationalism”, Turkish Culture, December 1992, Issue 368, p. 706; The understanding of the people and the nation in the Turks, the Turkish unity, the integrity of the Turkish nation and the relations between the Khan and the nation; For information, see Banaeddin Ogel, Compilation Understanding in Turks (until the end of 13th Century), Ankara 1982, p. 110-172.

13 Yusuf Sarinay, Historical Development of Turkish Nationalism and Turkish Hearths (1912-1931), Istanbul 1994, p. 23; İbrahim Kafesoğlu, Issues of Turkish Nationalism, Istanbul 1970, p. 12.

14 Elçin, agm, p. 712.

15 Kafesoglu, supra, p. 12; In this period, Turkish poetry and literature developed mainly in Turkish. The study of ancient Turkish history was also popular. In fact, the Central Asian Turkish dialect and literature was studied for a while. Arabic and Persian words and idioms, which have become a part of Turkish literature, were used less and the effort to write plain Turkish showed itself. For more information, see Köprülüzade Mehmet Fuat (Köprülü), The First Mentors of National Literature, Istanbul 1928, Lewis agt, p. 9.

16 Fahir Armaoğlu, Political History (1789-1960), Ankara 1973, p. 8-25; These thoughts later showed themselves in the Islamic world. Especially the idea of ​​freedom has affected many Islamic societies, especially the Arabs. See. Lewis age, p. 54-74.

17 Sarinay, supra, p. 40-41.

İ8 ibid, p. 46-47; For more information on this, see M. Derviş Kılınçkaya, Arab Nationalism and « Turkey-Syria Relations in the National Struggle, (Unpublished PhD Thesis), H.Ü.A.Ü.TE, Ankara 1992, p. 36-87; İlber Ortaylı, “Arab Nationalism in the Ottoman Empire”, Turkish Encyclopedia from the Tanzimat to the Republic, Vol. 5, p. 1032-1036.

19 Lewis, The Birth of Modern Turkey, p. 2.

20 Enver Ziya Kanıl, Ottoman History C. VIII. Ankara, 1977, p. 208-220; Hüseyin Nihal Atsız. He attributes the emergence and spread of Turkism to four main sources. These; 1. The Nationalism, which is very old and the Turkish nation has been living under the consciousness for centuries. 2. The movement of the Nationalists who want to implement a popular movement similar to the Nationalisms in Europe after the Tanzimat. 3. The reaction arising from the betrayal of foreigners inside the state. 4. The vigilance given by the troubles and disasters that the Turks have suffered for over 200 years. See. Atsız, “Turkism”, Orhun, Issue 10, October 1943.

21 Kemal H. Karpat, “Panislamism and II. Abdülhamit, Correcting a Wrong View”, Turkish World Researches, Issue 48 (June 1987), p. 25.

22 Sarinay, supra, p. 32-33.

23 The Ottoman Empire considered all its subjects as a nation. This understanding gave birth to the idea of ​​Ottomanism. However, in the idea of ​​Turkism that emerged during the collapse of the empire, the Turkish world was accepted as a whole. For this reason, the Turkists handled their understanding of nation differently from the Ottomanists. For more information, see François Georgeon, The Origins of Turkish Nationalism, Yusuf Akçura, 1876-I93S, (Trans: Alev Er), Ankara 1986.

24 Enver Ziya Karal, Ottoman History, VIICilt, Ankara, p. 309;

25 Şerif Mardin, Political Ideas of Young Turks 1895-1908, Istanbul 1983, p. 24; For more information, see Ahmet Bedevi Kuran, Our History of Revolution and Young Turks, Istanbul 1945, p. 1-30; EERamsaur, The Young Turks and the 1908 Revolution, (Trans. Nuran Yavuz), Istanbul 1982, p. 7-15.

26 Mustafa Reşit Pasha received the representatives of non-Muslims in 1846 and gave a speech to them. In this speech, he also brought up the issue of equality between Muslims and members of other religions. See. Reşat Kaynar, Mustafa Resit Pasha and the Tanzimat, Ankara 1985, p. 627.

27 Faruk Month. Recruitment Laws in the Ottoman Empire After the Tanzimat (1839-1914), Ankara, 1994. p. 22; The disappearance of the "Nation-i Hakime" status of the Muslims in the Ottoman Empire with the Tanzimat Fermanı caused reactions. For more information, see Halik İnalcık, “The Implementation of the Tanzimat and Social Reactions” Belleten, C. XXVIII, Issue 109-112,1964.

While examining the thoughts of the Young Turks on the Ottoman unity, we see that they were the defenders of the Ottoman unity against the idea of ​​the ethnic group representatives uniting around the Turkish element, but when they found a suitable environment, they quickly turned into ethnic Nationalists. Abdullah Cevdet, whom we see fiercely defending Ottoman unity against the idea of ​​a post-Constitutional Armenia, was also one of the main advocates of this idea during the armistice period, when the idea of ​​Kurdish independence was intensely discussed. See. M. Kemal Öke, England's Southeastern Anatolian Politics and the Activities of Major EWC Noel, Ankara 1988, p. 12.

29 Shaw, supra, p. 314; XIX. Until the 19th century, Turks considered themselves Muslims first and foremost. Their devotion was to Islam at different levels and to the Ottoman dynasty and the state. The language a touted spoke, the race he claimed came from the land on which he lived, had no political significance. The Turks thus saw themselves as identical with Islam. Both the state and the Ottoman intellectuals saw the defense of Islam as equivalent to the state. As a matter of fact, the Ottoman country "Memalik-i Islam", its ruler "Islamic sultan" armies "asakir-Islam" religious head "shayk al-Islam" was called. This situation was also accepted by Europeans. The fact that Europeans say to a Westerner who has converted to Islam "has become a Turk" is a proof of this. gene; For information, see Mümtaz'er Türköne, The East of Islamism as Political Ideology, 1867-1873. (A.U.SBE Unpublished PhD Thesis), Ankara 1990; Lewis age, p. 2-13; Tank Zafer Tunaya, The Movement of Islamism, Istanbul 1962; Tunaya “Islamism Movement”. Istanbul University Faculty of Law Journal C. XIX, 1954, p. 1-41.

30 Shaw. age, p. 316; For more information, see Yusuf Akçura, The Development of Turkism with Tart, Istanbul 1978; Lewis ibid., p. 1-17.

31 Süleyman Seyfi Öğün, Modernization, Nationalism re Turkey, Istanbul 1995, p. 164; For the Turkism Movement after the Second Constitutional Monarchy, see. Muhammed Sadık, “Turkism Movement, On the Threshold of Turkish Nationalism (1908-1918)” Turkish Culture 3-6, 1966-1969.

32 3 May 1944, SO. Year Turkism Gift, Izmir, 1994, p. one; See also for more information. Selahattin Tansel, From Mondros to Mudanya I, Ankara 1973.

33 Hamza Eroğlu, “Nation and Nationalism According to Atatürk”, Atatürk Yolu, Ankara, 1987, p. 147; Shortly after Mustafa Kemal's landing in Samsun on 19 May, the announcement of the articles of the Amasya Circular, which was the key to a Nationalist program, in which there were national feelings, was also the beginning of the new understanding of Nationalism. In this circular; 1. The integrity of the homeland and the independence of the nation are in danger. 2.. The Central Government is unable to fulfill its assumed responsibility. This situation makes our nation known. 3. It was stated that the determination and will of the nation will save the independence of the nation, and it was stated that only the national feelings and the nation would be based. For the Amasya talks and the national feelings, see. Atatürk Speech, Volume I Ankara 1978, p. 22-23; Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Memories of the National Struggle Istanbul 1953, CI p. 69 et seq.; Kazım Karabekir Our War of Independence, Istanbul 1960, p. 57 et seq.; M. Tayyip Gökbilgin, The Miltt Struggle Begins I, Ankara 1959, p. 145.

34 Undoubtedly, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk is one of those who experience this feeling the most. As a matter of fact, while explaining these feelings of rebellion in those days, the "Ottoman country" was completely torn apart. There remained an ancestral homeland where a handful of Turks lived... The basic principle is that the Turkish Nation should live as an honorable and respectful nation. This can only be achieved by being fully independent. The honor, self-confidence and abilities of the Turk are very high and great. It is better for such a nation to perish than to live in captivity. So independence or death! Here is the motto of those who want true salvation. See. Nutuk p. 9-11; Sabahattin Selek, National Struggle, Anatolian Revolution, Volume II. Istanbul 1965.

35 Zeynep Korkmaz, “National Struggle and Afterwards Turkish Consciousness”, Journal of Atatürk Research Center, 4/10 November, 1987.

36 Peyami Safa, Perspectives on the Turkish Revolution, Ankara, 1985, p. 49; As a matter of fact, in the second article of the Regulation on the Defense of the Law (13 November 1919), which was sent to all Defense of Law Centers with the signature of Mustafa Kemal, “It is to make the Forces of National Forces and the will-i Milliye prevail in order to ensure the innocence of the National Independence. ” National determination and national feelings were clearly revealed. See. Nimet Arsan, Atatürk's Circular Telegrams and Declarations, Ankara, undated, p. 105-106.

37 Samet Ağaoğlu, The Spirit of the National Forces, Istanbul, 1973, p. 16; See also for more information. Tuncer Baykara, National Struggle, Ankara 1985, p. 17-40.

38 Remzi Oğuz Arık, Nationalism, Istanbul, 1974, p. 51.

39 Bilal N. Şimşir, Atatürk in British Documents /,. Ankara, 1973, p. 26.

40 Erol Ulubelen, Turkey in British Secret Documents, Istanbul, 1982, p. 198.

41 Berthe Georges-Gaulis, Turkish Nationalism During the War of Independence, (Trans. Cenap Yazansoy), Istanbul, 1981, p. 79.

42 Atatürk himself encouraged the protests and demonstrations against the occupation forces in Anatolia. He followed and evaluated these demonstrations and their repercussions day by day. For more information, see Nutuk I, p. 17-21; Kemal Arıburnu, Istanbul Meetings in the National Struggle, Ankara 1975. .

43 Mazhar Müfit Kansu, Together with Atatürk From Erzurum Until His Death, C. II, Ankara 1968, p. 569; For the effect of spiritual elements in the National Struggle, see. Cemal Kutay, Spiritual Architects of Independence and the Republic, Ankara 1973, p. 15-133; Ali Sarıkoyuncu, MÜH Religious Men in Struggle, C. I, Ankara 1996 p. 4-45.

44 Ercüment Kuran, Atatürk and Nationalism, Ankara, 1987, p. 22.

45 Ağaoğlu, supra, p. 23.

46 a.g.e., s. 58.

47 Saying that “Sovereignty belongs to the indifferent and unlucky nation”, Atatürk appealed to the decision of the National Assembly in every step he took. This shows his confidence in the national will. age, p. 71. 48 ibid, p. 24.

49 Korkmaz. agm, p. 53-56.

50 Shaw, tLg.e,, s. 446.

51 Jacob M. Landau, Pan Turkism Turkey, London, 1981, p. 72; One of the principles on which the newly established Turkish state was based was Nationalism. Regarding this, cf. Mustafa Gül “Values ​​Forming the Foundation of the Turkish Republic” Journal of Atatürk Research Center, Issue 29, July 1994, p. 391-400.

52 Landau, ibid., p. 72.53 ibid, same place; Although Atatürk said these and made it a state policy due to the political situation, he has the protection of the regions where all Turks live in his heart. On this subject, he says, “The Turkish nation lives in a well-known large homeland, in the West of Asia and the Song of Europe, distinguished by land and sea borders, they call it Turkeli”. See. Cihat Akçakayalıoğlu, Atatürk, Ankara 1980, p. 537-538.

54 Landau, a.g.e., s. 74.55 a.g.e., s, 239.

56 Landau, supra, p. 73; When foreign Turks are mentioned, undoubtedly, the Turks in the Soviet Union come to mind first. These are Uzbek, Kazakh. They were divided into Uighur, Turkmen, Azeri. Although Atatürk could not openly support them by establishing relations with them, at least he was in favor of their cultural unity. For this purpose, he established Turkish History and Turkish Language institutions, and also showed sensitivity to many external issues, especially the Hatay issue. For more information, see Mehmet Saray, Atatürk and the Turkish World, Ankara 1995, p. 1-60; İbrahim Yılmazçelik, “Atatürk's Foreign Turks Policy and Foreign Turks” Journal of Turkish World History, May 1994, p. 89 et seq.; Yusuf Sarınay “Atatürk's Hatay Policy –I-(1936-1938), Journal of Atatürk Research Center, C.XII, Issue 34, March 1996, p. 65.

57 Shaw, supra, p. 446; As a matter of fact, in his speech to the delegates from the Turkish Hearth on April 26, 1926, Atatürk emphasized the importance of Turkish Hearts in terms of Turkism and said, “We are directly nationalist and Turkish nationalist. The basis of our republic is the Turkish community. The more the members of this community are associated with the Turkish culture, the stronger the Republic that is based on that community. Turkish Hearths have performed very high services since their establishment. Continuing this shift and saying hello to your friends on your next day, he showed his closeness to nationalism and supported the Turkish Hearths in this regard. Atatürk's Speeches and Statements 1918-1973, Vol. 111, Ankara 1989. p. 118.

58 Ali Fuat Başgil, “Turkish Nationalism-Birth-Meaning-Aim and Characteristics” “Second Turkish History Congress 1937, Istanbul 1943, p. 991.59 Kemal H. Karpat, History of Turkish Democracy!, Istanbul, 1967, p. 48-49.

Dr. Faruk Ayin

Source: ATATÜRK ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ DERGİSİ, Sayı 42, Cilt: XIV, Kasım 1998, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti'nin 75. Yılı Özel Sayısı