I

Newspapers Published by Atatürk

Atatürk   published three newspapers, namely "Minber" ,  "İrade-i Milliye"  and  "Hakimiyet-i Milliye" . Atatürk, who wanted to create public opinion by announcing what he did and will do, received support from the press from the moment he started the War of Independence and used the power of the press in the most effective way.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was not just a soldier, commander, diplomat, politician and statesman. He was also a thinker… We can understand this aspect of Atatürk from what he wrote, said and read. Atatürk's thinking aspect has already led him to journalism. Knowing how important the press is to announce his thoughts and actions to the public, Atatürk realized this fact while he was still a student at the Military Academy. This importance showed itself throughout the political action led by Mustafa Kemal. Thus, it was better understood what Mustafa Kemal did and what he wanted to do, connecting with the domestic and foreign public opinion.

Atatürk showed the importance he gave to the press in every period of his life. For example, in the speech he made while opening the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 1, 1922, he said: “The press is the common voice of the nation. The press is a force, a school, and a guide in itself, in enlightening a nation and showing the right path, in giving a nation the food it needs, in short, in ensuring that a nation walks in the common direction, which is the goal of happiness.”

Mustafa Kemal's interest in journalism started even during his student years. While he was still a student at Harbiye, he published a handwritten newspaper in order to publish critical articles in order to point out the mistakes and faults of the administration in the field of politics. Mustafa Kemal, who wrote the articles for this newspaper himself, was also followed by the School Inspector İsmail Pasha. Mustafa Kemal and his friends, who entered one of the veterinary classrooms at the Military Academy, were caught red-handed by the school principal, Rıza Bey, while they were dealing with the articles of the newspaper they published. No significant punishment was given to them, they were contented with the crime of "unauthorized".

Pulpit

Atatürk's first attempt to publish a newspaper was the "Minbar" published in Istanbul. Minbar was published at the request of Mustafa Kemal. He published the newspaper in 1918 with his best friend Ali Fethi Okyar. In 1918, the Armistice of Mudros was signed by the government of Ahmet İzzet Pasha. Mustafa Kemal returned to Istanbul from Syria, as the Yıldırım Army Group and the 7th Army Headquarters, which he was at the head of, were abolished, and he feels the need to talk and write about the issues in the country. However, Mustafa Kemal's military identity prevents him from participating in political events and taking an active role.

Fethi Okyar said the following about the publication of the Minber newspaper in his memoirs:

“Mustafa Kemal Pasha said, 'The attacks and destructions that devastate the country and go under the name of opposition are mostly done through newspapers. The best means to awaken the nation against them is to respond in the same way, that is, to publish a newspaper. I have some money saved from my salary, I am ready to put it away. I'm a soldier can't get a concession, but you can. Let's publish a newspaper together so that we can tell the truth to the public, and even to our enemies.' said. I never thought of publishing a newspaper, but for the Committee of Union and Progress, to which I belong, such ugly and unfair publications and therefore so dangerous for the homeland and the state began that it was impossible to leave them unanswered.”

The Minber newspaper, which started its publication life on November 1, 1918, is published daily and has 51 issues. Fethi Bey is the head of the newspaper, and the concessionaire and responsible manager is Dr. Rasim Ferit. Minber was published in order to prevent the unjust attacks against Fethi Bey's former party, İttihat ve Terakki, to write the truth, to write articles preventing Tevfik Pasha from getting a vote of confidence in the parliament, and to act as the spokesperson of the newly established Ottoman Freedom-performing Commonwealth Party.

Most of the newspaper's editorials were written by Mustafa Kemal, under different names or unsigned. In addition, almost every issue of the Minbar contains news about Mustafa Kemal. An interview was also made with Mustafa Kemal, who had just returned from the Commandership of the Yıldırım Army Group, in the newspaper dated 17 November 1918. In this interview, Mustafa Kemal said: “…I admit that the best policy is to be the most powerful in every sense. Do not think that my aim from the phrase "to be the strongest" is only the strength of arms. On the contrary, although I am a soldier, I think force is the last factor that composes it. My aim is to be strong spiritually, scientifically, morally and technically. Even if we assume that all the members of a nation lacking these features are equipped with the latest weapons, it would not be correct to accept that it is strong.

İrade-i Milliye

Atatürk published his second newspaper after the Sivas Congress. After the Sivas Congress, which started on September 4, 1919 and ended on September 11, Mustafa Kemal asks those around him to find a reliable editor-in-chief for the newspaper he will publish. The sought-after editor-in-chief is found and the newspaper is published in a very short time. The privilege of the newspaper, which was founded by Mustafa Kemal on behalf of the Representative Committee, belongs to the Selahattin Nationalerk. The editor-in-chief of the newspaper is Mazhar Müfit Kansu. The name and title of the newspaper was determined by Mustafa Kemal; “İrade-i Milliye” (Defendant of Metalip and Amali Milliye).

In the beginning, the minutes of the Sivas Congress, the declarations and speeches of Mustafa Kemal were published in the newspaper, which was published once a week and later twice a week. Copies of the newspaper, which was issued for a purpose, were sent to various offices of many cities in envelopes with official seals.

Hakimiyet-i Milliye

When Mustafa Kemal Pasha came to Ankara with the members of the Representative Committee, he said that he needed a newspaper to announce the decisions to be taken here to the nation, and the first directive he gave here was "we will publish a newspaper".

Since there was no proper printing house in Ankara, the printing machine brought from Konya was placed in a building in the parliament garden and the newspaper was published within two weeks. Mustafa Kemal gave the name of this newspaper; "Dominion-i Milliye". Under the newspaper title of the first issue, it is written that "his job is to make the will of the nation prevail". Mustafa Kemal wrote the first editorial of the newspaper, which was published on January 10, 1920.

The newspaper is the publication organ of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association founded in Anatolia. The editor-in-chief of the newspaper is Nizamettin Nazif Tepedelenlioğlu. Among the later editors of the newspaper were names such as Hüseyin Ragıp Baydur, Nafi Atıf Kansu and Ziya Gevher Etili.

The newspaper, which was originally published twice a week, was published three days a week after 18 July 1920, and daily after 6 February 1921. The newspaper continued to be published under the name of Hakimiyet-i Milliye until 1934, and then as "Ulus".

Resources

1- History of Turkish Press, Nuri İnugur, Journalists Association

2- Turkish Encyclopedia of the Republican Era, İletişim Publications, Volume 1

3- Atatürk's Ideas and Thoughts, Prof. Dr. Utkan Kocaturk, Ataturk Research Center

4- Atatürk and the Press in the National Struggle 1919-1921, Prof. Dr. Yucel Ozkaya, Ataturk Research Center

5- Press and Freedom of the Press in the Era of Atatürk, Journalists' Association

Source: www.istanbultarih.com

 

II

The Newspaper Published by Atatürk and Okyar: MINBER

 Okyar and Atatürk, whose memories we commemorate with respect and gratitude on their 45th and 50th death anniversaries in 1988, are the ideal example of two sincere fellow soldiers and colleagues who served the Turkish country and nation, hand in hand and shoulder to shoulder, from their youth to their last breaths.

As we have mentioned before in our research on the subject, Ali Fethi Okyar is one of the leading statesmen, diplomacy and politicians in the History of the Turkish National Struggle and Revolution and the Age of Atatürk.' His extremely colorful, lively and challenging military political life, his successful services in the field of diplomacy, his trials and efforts to bring the Turkish nation to a multi-party democratic regime are the issues that historians researching the Age of Atatürk have to pay attention to.

Ali Fethi Okyar is the oldest and sincere friend of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, with whom he has always been together since his youth. This deep-rooted cause and struggle union between Atatürk and Okyar started during the War Academy; It continued in the ranks of the Committee of Union and Progress, on the Tripoli and Balkan fronts.

If the situation and attitudes of the Ali Fethi - Mustafa Kemal duo, especially against Enver Pasha, one of the three leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress, are examined, the foggy and dark parts of the History of the National Struggle and Atatürk Period will be enlightened; access to accurate and honest comments.

Undoubtedly, this is a very extensive research topic. What we want to briefly mention and give information about here is the MINBER newspaper, which was jointly published by the Ali Fethi - Mustafa Kemal duo during the days when the leaders of the Union and Progress, who accelerated the collapse of the great Ottoman Empire, left the country devastated and fled without account.

Starting from the first period of the Committee of Union and Progress, the involvement of the soldiers in politics; The Ali Fethi - Mustafa Kemal duo, who were strongly against the transformation of the Unionist into a committee that organized political murders, and the decision to take and implement political murders such as the Bab-ı Ali Raid led by Enver and the murder of Nâzım Pasha, adopted the wrong domestic and foreign policy that had completely emerged in the last period of the Society. never adopted; they openly criticized them without hesitation and tried to warn them. These two friends of ideals also stayed away from buffer institutions such as the Teceddüt Party, which Enver and Talat Pashas tried to leave behind before fleeing the country. In response to this, Ali Fethi Bey founded the Ottoman Freedom-performing Commonwealth Party and the MINBER newspaper;

Those who research the History of the National Struggle, especially those who try to determine the place of Unionism in the National Struggle, should meticulously point to this point, the situation and attitudes of Ali Fethi - Mustafa Kemal duo towards Enver Pasha. In the publication of the newspaper MINBER, which had a short life of 51 days, there is very valuable information that enlightens the situation of Ali Fethi - Mustafa Kemal against Enver Pasha and the Committee of Union and Progress.

When the Yıldırım Army Group and the Seventh Army Headquarters were abolished, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the Commander of the Seventh Army, was taken under the command of the Ministry of War.3 Mustafa Kemal Pasha arrived in Istanbul on Friday, 13 November 1918.4

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who came to Istanbul, had three to five thousand liras, which he had saved from his salary. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who lost an important part of this money, which he wanted to buy a house for his mother, by putting him in a trade business, invested and added the last part of his money to the capital of the newspaper he founded with Ali Fethi Bey.

Atay also writes the following about MINBER:5

“... Fethi Bey is at the head of the newspaper. Mustafa Kemal is among those who invested a small amount of capital.

This new trade is downright sweet. You will write, you will have it printed, you will have arguments, and you will also earn money.

What is a newspaper client? How many percent of those who buy a newspaper read serious articles, what percent are after curious news and episodes, Mustafa Kemal has no idea about these. He thinks that there is a smarter editor than Fethi Bey in the newspapers of that day, who can give better polemical inspirations than him, then isn't it quite natural that this newspaper's version is higher than all of them?

... Yes, journalism is also a trade, but it is a trade that even an intellectual does not understand as much as fig and grape shopping!

... A newspaper boat won't last as long as a fig boat. Whatever is left of his entire commanding life, it melts away in this newspaper, which has no reason not to be exiled.”

MINBER newspaper started to be published in Istanbul on Friday, 1 Teşrin-i sani (November) 1334 (1918) (25 Muharram 1337). Doctor Râsim Ferid Bey is the Privilege Owner of the “Political, scientific, literary and daily newspaper” consisting of two large pages.

Doctor Rasim Ferid (Talay), who was born in Tripoli in 1888 and is the son of Mehmed Ferid Pasha, is a close friend of Ali Fethi Bey and Mustafa Kemal Pasha. One of the four people who was with Mustafa Kemal Pasha when he visited Tevfik Fikret's Aşiyan on Monday, August 19, 1918 and signed the book there was Râsim Ferid.

According to the information we found in the 170-day memoir of Ali Fethi Okyar (April 30, 1921 - October 16, 1921), which we published, he stopped by Europe after two years of exile in Malta and was on the ferry for the first one and a half days in Istanbul port, where he waited for three days to return home with the Aventino ferry. He stayed and did not even talk to his children. But on Saturday, July 30, 1921: “Today I stayed on the ferry from morning to evening. I met with Râsim Ferid and Sezai Bey.”6 And finally, Dr. Râsim Ferid Talay's IV. He was elected as Bursa deputy in the period and this duty was in V., VI. and VII. We see that he continued as a deputy of Niğde in the periods.

Under the articles of the MINBER newspaper, we find the following names, pseudonyms and signatures consisting of letters, in chronological order: Hatib, Muktesid, Nâtık, Ali Fethi, YB, Nezihe Hamdi, An, Kâzım Fahri, Ahmet Hulki, Mehmed Ali, Painter Ali Sami, Ahmed Edib, A (m). F., İsmail Hami, Ahmed Hikmet, Ali Şükrü, Süleyman Radi, Doctor Cemil Süleyman.

In four issues of 51 daily newspapers, editorials were removed by the censor or absent (Numbers 5, 32, 46, 51). 42 editorials of the newspaper are unsigned. It is understood that these belong to Ali Fethi Okyar, at the end of the stylistic analysis and especially from the records attributed to Atatürk: "Is there a smarter editor than Fethi Bey in the newspapers of that day?" Under the three editorials (Nu. 1, 2, 4) in MINBER is the nickname “Hatib”. Again, starting from the second issue of the newspaper, the four-day series (Nu. 2, 6, 8, 9) that takes place on the second page of the newspaper, titled (Asrîlization), is based on Ziya Gökalp's work (Turkification, Islamization, Contemporaryization) with the signature of “Hatib”. has been written.

We see the signature of (Ismail Hami) in only two of the editorials (Numbers 36 and 40). This is the historian İsmail Hami Dânişmend (Merzifon 19 May 1898 - Istanbul 12 April 1967), who will soon be the clerk of the Sivas Congress.

There is no doubt that the two articles with pseudonyms (Nu. 3 and 12) (Muktesid) and the article with (AF) titles (Truce Economics: 1) and (National Market and Entente: 2) belong to Ali Fethi Okyar.

On the date of the newspaper's release (Friday, November 1, 1918), Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the Commander of the Lightning Armies. Ali Fethi Bey is the Istanbul Deputy. Enver Pasha and his friends are still in Turkey. As it is known, on Tuesday, October 8, 1918 (2 Muharram 1337), the Committee of Union and Progress Warfare under Talat Pasha's grand vizierate had to resign and the post of Grand Vizier was offered to Tevfik Pasha, a former Ambassador to London. Tevfik Pasha could not form a government even though he struggled for a week, because many state dignitaries, who were afraid of the severity and kindness of the time, were afraid of taking responsibility. Thereupon, the duty of Grand Vizier was given to Ahmed İzzet (Furgaç) Pasha (Manastır 1864 - Istanbul 1937), one of the former Ministers of War.

Izzet Pasha, who established his cabinet in two days and took office on Monday, 14 October 1918 (8 Muharram 1337), could only stay in power for 25 days.

Since Izzet Pasha Cabinet resigned on Friday afternoon, 8 November 1918 (3 Safer 1337), it means that on 1 November, when MINBER began its broadcasting life, Ali Fethi Bey was Deputy Internal Affairs. The newspaper was published for 43 more days after November 8, when the Ministry of Internal Medicine ended.

Since Mustafa Kemal Pasha returned to Istanbul on Friday, November 13, 1918, he was personally in Istanbul on the days when the last 40 issues of the newspaper were published until December 22.

In the first issue of MINBER, (Ottoman Freedom-Perverted Commonwealth Party Program) has appeared. In the news about the Congress of Union and Progress, the resignations of Talat Pasha and Ziya Gokalp and the New Program in its second issue, it is stated that “Despite repeated offers, members of the Freedom-People Party did not consent to be present at this meeting and therefore they could not participate in the congress.”7

Upon the false news of the Armenian (Norki Yank) newspaper that he was spreading the ideas of the Committee of Union and Progress for MINBER and that he was replacing Tanin, we see the following note in the newspaper: “... Where did our Refik get this news from? We would be very pleased if Norki Yank could please let us know what he saw that would prove that we favored (upheld, supported) the Society's point of view among the things we wrote from our first copy to date.”8

The very next day, on the first page of MINBER, “They escaped!” We see that there is an unsigned article titled. Here is the article, which clearly and bluntly states the feelings and thoughts about Enver Pasha and the others:9

“They have fled!

They fled, accruing, from whom and where? Doubting justice, doubting one's own nation and country, this is equivalent to doubting one's self. There is a court, there is a law, there is history, and when God is above all of them, from whom and where do they flee? They always claimed that they were mujtahed (ijtihad), even if they had a pure conscience, clear forehead, and muhti (who made mistakes, erred). Why were they afraid? The Sultan and the Government are disgusted with the policy of revenge (disgusted, disgusted), the ummah is only observant (waiting, watching) for the manifestation of justice, there is no rule of law, no revolution, no anarchy, so that an excuse can be conceived for this strange escape.

But let's not waste our breath in this way. Time has shown and shows the nature of everyone. In any case, there is no salvation for the murderers. Ayn-ul-meferr? (Is there no place to run?) The country has survived the nightmare. Majnun or his soul is always evil in public. The remedy is to send someone to the dungeon and someone to the hospital. But if they commit suicide, there is nothing left to do. As long as they are alive, sooner or later they are again stuck in the positions they deserve. Let's not doubt it.

However, there is no obstacle to taking lessons. We can take advantage of this lesson by putting aside all our hatred and complacency. “Deceiving others is nothing but deceiving yourself.” The one who takes this good share from this sad story will not be deceived.”

The articles of the Minber newspaper, which openly show that they are against the domestic and foreign policy of Enver and Talat Pashas, ​​the Committee of Union and Progress, are especially the answers to Ali Kemal's unjust attacks against Ali Fethi Bey and the members of MINBER.

Again, this is Fethi Bey's statement against Aydın Deputy Emanuelidi Efendi's ridiculous open letter in Greek newspapers that cannot be taken seriously.

A fabricated and fake article by a young journalist who visited him, which appeared in the newspaper Tercüman-ı Adalet (Fethi Bey's Statement), was immediately transferred to Ali Kemal's Sabah newspaper, causing a fierce writing duel.10

Internal Affairs Nazın Fethi Bey clarified his completely changed words, which appeared in the newspapers Tercüman-ı Adalet and Sabah, in a statement he gave to MINBER.''

One of the most important of these discussion articles that sheds light on the subject is titled (Fethi Bey's Answer) and signed by (Ali Fethi):12

Ali Kemal Bey made the fugitives for me in the Sabah newspaper of the previous day, "... to what extent it was possible to make companions (to protect, protect, help) those yar-ı ancients (old friends), lehülhamd was meant to be because these thugs are on the beach. They are in peace…” he says.

Even another newspaper implicitly refers to people who have left their profession because they regard me and others as "fat-tailed deputies and ambassadors, and have gained their influence today thanks to the Committee of Union and Progress." All the publications of the newspaper (MİNBER), which is the mediator of this sect, is completely invalidated by the mindset of the Union.

All the essentials of my article (articles) are to look for sentiments rather than logic in Ali Kemal Bey's scribblings (based on, based on, built on), who slander (with malice) rapes (attacks) and even slanders against individuals. I am with those who claim the need. I know that the success of capital is a tendency to satisfy our people's need for gossip, and for some of the people, unfortunately, undeniable personalities and levsiyyat (dirty things) that constitute an undeniable love of heart and fondness, addiction. Mir-i mûmâ-ileyh (mentioned above), which consists of pleasing his excessive fondness, will not be able to prevent his nafs from inflicting itâle-i lisan (blasphemy, cursing) to people like me. Yes, this characteristic (character) has long been manifested (appeared) in the author's writings and has been the only secret of success for them. I would only like to warn that I am not the ancients of the fugitives in the sense that Ali Kemal Bey intended.

Ten years ago, I cooperated with the fugitives Enver, Cemal, Talat for sacred purposes such as the production of the Constitutional Monarchy. Just as I did not participate in any way in the actions of these people, which later made their reputation worse in the eyes of the nation, I was the one who stepped into the arena of struggle as soon as the Constitutional Monarchy was realized as a tool for their private interests, while today's heroes were addressing them as "Our Master Veli-yül-na'm". This struggle I waged in the presence of two hundred and fifty persons in the Majlis-i Mebusan is in no way capable (it cannot be concealed). My struggle against Enver, which I discovered as the most harmful element to the country among these people, is much older than this (it is older) and is compatible with the Battle of Tripoli (coincidence).

It is with the encouragement of this struggle that I have waged so that the dignity of these individuals with whom I cooperated in Thessaloniki not to be dishonored, and that my honor is not disgraced.

Following this keen interest, Talat and Elyevm, another person in Istanbul, came to my local civil service at that time and made many promises and promises that Enver would not give way to such corruption, and they came to the Merkez-i Umumî as their authority. In the capacity of the General Secretary, they had graduated to practice my profession, which is about establishing as much agreement and good relations as possible between all the main intellectuals.

Here is the picture.

The title of the Minbar newspaper

However, my activity on this path and even the fact that I had met with Ali Kemal Bey, among other members, caused severe kîlü kah (gossip, rumor) and many intrigues in my absence, so I accepted the Sofia Embassy. Therefore, I did not leave my military profession, which I loved, behind a greasy tail like embassy, ​​as some people think. On the contrary, I left my profession to embark on a struggle with an unknown outcome. After I became aware of the intrigues that led to my appointment to the Sofia Embassy, ​​I resigned in May 1915. I repeated this resignation before the Law (December) of the same year. However, in the 1917 Teşrin-i sânî (November), I was able to leave my duty there and again take part in the field struggle as a Deputy.

Now I ask the other writer: If I had known about the embassy with a fat tail, would he leave the embassy to fight against the Cabinet of Talat-Anwar, which some press (the press) did not hesitate to flatter in a very bî-ar and bi-haya (shameless and shameless) way? was i Presumably, if this writer had had such a fat tail on his seven, there would be no doubt that he would have tried to move to a higher position by appropriating (familiarizing) in a very disgraceful (low-grade, vulgar) way. Because their mentality is evident in the following lines: “The intellectual class knew very well that the country was in great danger. But in their eyes, Turkey was doomed to collapse no matter what. Whatever they did by joining the Unionism was profitable. And they followed this mentality.”

I am honored not to be subject to the mentality of the writer who wrote these lines and who must be from the intellectual class.

Now, the sycophants, who find the square empty, make accusations as they wish, and show great courage in insulting (cursing) anyone who comes across it, so they do not want to be among them. I don't want to leave. Considering this as the Unionist mentality indicates a very exorbitant victory of ideas and corrupt morality.

The reason why our country has come to this state is the struggle that keeps the general interest above everything else, in the clays (in the scarcity, shortage) of the people who are not subject to time and courage against all kinds of dangers, and the legal idea according to their own whims (personal whims). It is in the abundance of those who have the ability to fabricate (it is in its abundance, it is in its abundance).

I have never been a companion (protecting, protecting, backing, helping) the fugitives in any way. There was no other choice but to detain (arrest) them in order not to kidnap them. It is illegal (against the law) to detain (arrest) anyone, no matter who they are, by an order that does not come out of a court. According to Ali Kemal Bey's logic, the fact that some abuses (abuses, abuses) murders (murders) are contrary to the law (unlawful, falsehood) consider this detention (arrest) to be appropriate (in accordance with the law). However, neither I nor the experts and the law can participate (participate) in it.

Those who, even for a while, do not want to calm their feelings of grudge and grudge, and restrain their enthusiasm for sebb-ü şetm (cursing), even for a while, while our opponents (our foes, our enemies) come to our hearts and are faced with very disastrous and trembling judgments. they cause the ecanib (foreigners) to make a bad judgment about our press and therefore our nation. Just as a whole nation suffers the mazarrat (damages, losses) of individuals like Talat and Enver, I am afraid that we have not all suffered these evils (perpetrated badly, bribed) by a few people on behalf of the press (press).

We are among those who consider it their duty to fight even against these evils. Rape and slander that will occur will not separate us from this purpose. Because, in our eyes, the general interest is above everything else.”

As can be seen, Fethi Bey, in this reply, details his feelings, thoughts, situation and attitude towards Enver and Talat Pashas. Again in MINBER (Interview with Mustafa Kemal Pasha)13 and the article with the signature of (Ahmed Hulki) about Mustafa Kemal Pasha (A Face in the Last Night)14; In the articles titled (To the Chief Journalist of the Morning)16 given to the writings of Ali Kemal15, who accused the MINBER members of being a Unionist and slandered them; Although unsigned, in editorials such as (In the Face of Danger)17 etc. written by Ali Fethi Bey; In the articles of İsmail Hami Bey (Bir Cürm-ü Meşhud) and Ali Şükrü Bey (To Ali Kemal Bey of Sabah Sermuharriri)18, there is a lot of information and explanation that the newspaper and its members are against the policy followed and implemented by the leaders of the Union and Progress. .

It is certain that MINBER, who called on the governments to warn the governments with their harsh criticisms and not to fall into the mistakes made by the Unionists, in this anxious period when our nation and our country are facing great dangers, made a broadcast that raised the flag of opposition to Tevfik and Ferid Pashas as well as Enver and Talat Pashas.

The article written on November 18, 1918, signed by Ahmet Hulki, which we mentioned above, ends with the following really interesting sentence, which almost announces May 19, 1919: “I think the future of the homeland is right to expect great services from MUSTAFA KEMAL PASHA.”

“MINBER”, which means the name of the stairway where the orator comes out and delivers the sermon in mosques, is the first herald of the National Struggle, the initial step, as a joint publication by Ali Fethi Okyar and Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. In our opinion, MINBER is a valuable resource that will help correct the erroneous domestic and foreign researchers who have wrongly established relations between the National Struggle and the Union and Progress and attempted to make interpretations that contradict the truth.

1 Fethi Tevetoğlu: Atatürk's Friend Who Came to Mind While He Was Leading His Case: Ali Fethi Okyar, Turkish Culture, August 1987, Issue: 292, pp. 9 - 17. Fethî Tevetoğlu: Daily Memoirs of Ali Fethi Okyar (April 30, 1921 - October 16, 1921), Documents Journal of Turkish History Documents, Vol: XII, Issue: 16, pp. 113-130.

2 Fethî Tevetoğlu: Memories of Ali Fethi Okyar's Free Party, New Forum, 1 - 15 April 1988, Vol: 9, Issue: 206, p. 33-34

3 Pulpit, 11 November 1918 Monday, Nu. 10, p. 2

4 Pulpit, Friday, 14 November 1918, Nu. 13, p. 2

5 Falih Rıfkı Atay, Çankaya, Istanbul 1969, p. 158 – 159

6 Fethi Tevetoğlu: agm, p. 119

7 Pulpit, Saturday, November 2, 1918, Nu. 2 H. one

8 Pulpit, Tuesday, November 5, 1918, Nu. 5, p. 2

9 Pulpit, Wednesday, November 6, 1918, Nu. 5, p. one

10 Morning, Wednesday, November 6, 1918, Nu. 10405, p. 11 Pulpit, Thursday, November 7, 1918, Nu. 7, p. one

12 Ali Fethi: Fethi Bey's Answer, Minbar, Saturday, 30 November 1918, Nu. 29, p. one

13 Minbar, 17 November 1918 Sunday, Nu. 16, p. 1 and 2

14 Ahmed Hulki: A Face in the Nihüfte, Minbar, Tuesday, November 19, 1918, Nu. 18, p. one

15 Ali Kemal: Ocak and Ocaklılar, Sabah, Sunday, December 1, 1918, Nu. 10431, p. one

16 Minbar, 12 December 1918 Thursday, Nu. 41, p. one

17 Minbar, Saturday, 14 December 1918, Nu. 43, p. one

18 Minbar, Sunday, December 15, 1918, Nu. 44, p. one

Fethi Tevetoglu

Source : ATATÜRK RESEARCH CENTER JOURNAL, Issue 13, Volume V, November 1988 

  III      

IRADE-I MILLIYE NEWSPAPER

“Irade-i Milliye”, the publication organ of the liberation movement that started in Anatolia, was published in Sivas as a result of Mustafa Kemal's efforts. Provincial printing house1 established by Sivas Governor Elhaç Ahmet İzzet Pasha in 1878 was the publishing place of İrade-i Milliye, the first newspaper of the period of national struggle. Knowing the importance of the press very well, Mustafa Kemal had discussed this issue in the first session of the Sivas Congress. İsmail Hami Bey was saying, “... sir, I will be busy in our newspaper (İrade-i Milliye), which will be published soon...”2. This topic was thus closed on the other days when important issues intervened. Finally, on September 11, Rauf Bey said, “A newspaper would be published for propaganda. A delegation of our friends should be busy with the publication and writing of some of our documents,

Mustafa Kemal saw that he was deprived of this important weapon as the Sivas Congress ended on September 11th. Applying to the veteran teacher of Sivas, Rasim Bey, one of the congress members:

“I will publish a newspaper. We need a credible person who will take over the responsibility manager.”4

Rasim Bey immediately started researching and found one of his students, Selahattin Bey, who was twenty-two years old, and made his offer to this young man whom he trusted. Selahattin Bey describes those days as follows: “Atatürk, the people who had contact with him, ordered that they decided to publish a newspaper in Sivas and that a suitable person should be introduced to him... Great Ata ordered me to publish a newspaper and take its privilege under my name... I immediately applied to the local government. They were delaying our conversion under the pretext of investigation... Finally, while the declaration of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association was being handled, they gave us our privilege.

The size of the newspaper consisted of four pages, 30X50 centimeters wide. Its title was also lined up with the largest of the available letters...”5

Since it was not possible to make a cliché, the name “İrade-i Milliye” was written in 36-point nesih letters. The shape and columns of the newspaper were made by the chief editor Mahmut Efendi.6 The printing machine in the Sivas Province printing house was brought during the constitutional period. Like many old-fashioned machines in Anatolia, this one was turned with a lever. In the printing house, there were two cases of letters and two writers next to this outdated machine. The first copy came out as a result of the work of three people, consisting of the chief crew member Mahmut and the second crew Nadir Efendi, along with Abdülkadir, the provincial printing manager. “... Mustafa Kemal's aide, Ruhi Bey, took the still ink newspaper and entered a room just beyond the corridor. The right of the building where the provincial printing house was located was the crew room, the engine room, and the left was the administrative office. No other place was found; The headquarters of the Sivas Defense of Rights Association was located in a room of this administrative office... Mustafa Kemal used to come here often. He was not bored when he took a glance at the first copy of İrade-i Milliye. There was a principle decision: There is no signed article in the newspaper. Despite this, there was a huge signature under the letter written with the directive he gave: İsmail Hami.”7

It was İsmail Hami, who was a journalist and attended the congress as an Istanbul delegate, who wrote the article titled “The Establishment of the Harekât-ı Milliye” upon the directive he received from Mustafa Kemal. In the first issue of İrade-i Milliye newspaper, which was published in four pages on September 14, 1919, apart from this article, news of the congress, Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech at the opening of the congress, the wire sent by the congress to the Sultan, the declaration addressed to the nation, Mustafa Kemal's statement in May. The telegram he sent from Havza to the Sultan and many important articles were included.

The newspaper faced many difficulties in terms of printing in the early days. These were not only material but also intimidation, especially of two of his employees, Mahmut and Nadir Efendi. “... these two hardworking crew were frightened by some mischief-makers and mischief-makers... they said:

— Along with those who publish the İrade-i Milliye newspaper, which is full of articles in the nature of rebellion against the Sultan, they will also pull the crews on the rope…”

Thereupon, these crew members, directors Abdülkadir and Selahattin, who were disheartened by their work, enlightened that this was not the case, and said, “... there is no way of salvation for the homeland other than this path that we keep and follow. If the homeland is not saved, neither the printing house, nor the crew... You are heroic workers on the way of the nation. Heroes knew neither benefit nor fear…”8 and ensured their work. If these two crews had withdrawn from the job, the publication of the İrade-i Milliye newspaper would have been delayed for a long time.

The İrade-i Milliye newspaper, which was published in a thousand copies in the first period, received requests for subscribers and congratulations from all over the country by telegrams and letters. On top of that, the number of prints was gradually increased. The first and second editions were seldom printed, as the version could not be predicted, and because it seemed exaggerated that they were printed a lot in a provincial printing house. As the applications made showed that this was not enough, there were those who sought out-of-date copies not for twenty, but for two hundred cents. It was especially demanded from Istanbul. 9

A significant part of the copies were sent to all sides for propaganda, to Defense of Rights Associations, municipalities, other societies and public unions. Since the censorship applied in the occupied areas prevented the newspaper from going there, it was adopted to send it by putting it in official stamped envelopes such as the directorate of public works, education, agriculture and foundations. Because the Istanbul telegraph office did not even accept the telegrams that the Sivas Congress tried to send from the city post office upon the order it had received. A way that would not attract suspicion was thought for him, and by finding this way, the newspaper of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the leader of the Anatolian revolution, could be sent to the desired place in the sealed envelopes of the Nafia, Agriculture and Veterinary Departments of the province.

Süleyman Fahri, who was the Director of Sivas Agricultural Farm School at that time: “One day, the Representative Committee requested fifty official envelopes with a headline from the offices that had official communication with Istanbul. I gave fifty of the envelopes titled “Sivas Ziraat Çiftlik Mektebi”. I didn't know what these would be. But one day, I received a letter from Nazım Bey, the director of the “Halkalı Agricultural School Alisi” in Istanbul. He was thanking the İrade-i Milliye newspaper that I sent him. At that time, I realized that the newspaper İrade-i Milliye was sent to Istanbul with these envelopes.”10

The British, who seized a copy of this newspaper, came to the Sublime Porte and protested. Moreover, after they evacuated Merzifon and Samsun, the people of Sivas said, "Down with the Occupation." They stated that he shouted and that even İrade-i Milliye newspaper wrote about it. Internal Affairs Nazın Damat Şefik Pasha sent a telegram to the Governor of Sivas, “Down with the occupation.” He complained that he was shouted at, that this newspaper wrote, and he wanted such publications to be prevented.

The Sivas Province printing house, which was the property of the Ottoman state and under its control, continued to work by not listening to them, and Nadir Efendi, a sixty-year-old crew member, was arranging the letters given to him. Another day like this, he bent over the paper on the counter, read it, and read it again:

“— God, God. Let's see. Is it wrong, what is it?" Finding the printing manager Abdülkadir Bey immediately,

“— Look over there.. Does he say “traitor Ferit”? Is this to be our grand vizier Damat Ferit Pasha?”

"- Yes. The Grand Vizier sings for Damat Ferit.”

How could an article saying "he is a traitor" to the Grand Vizier be lined up in a province of the Ottoman state, as well as in the printing house of the province? What would happen to this string? The mind of the old crew could not understand this. The young manager of the printing house tried to persuade him:

“— Mustafa Kemal Pasha had it written down, don't be afraid, check it out.” Nadir Effendi was still able to complete the manuscript with trembling hands.12

İrade-i Milliye had 19 issues during the time the Representative Committee was in Sivas. These included information about the National War of Independence, the declarations of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the decisions of the Representative Committee and various articles. What the Will-i Milliye was, why the war of independence was started, what was done, why the country fell into this situation, and the current situation were announced to the public through this newspaper.

Mustafa Kemal wanted to take the Irade-i Milliye to Ankara together with the Representative Committee. However, Sivas notables said, “The Will-i Milliye gave a historical honor to this country by starting its descent in Sivas, we want to perpetuate this high honor in the country. Please donate your newspaper to us. For the same purpose, let's continue this light here”13 they said. Mustafa Kemal complied with this request and left the newspaper in Sivas.

The newspaper, which was first published once a week, later started to appear twice a week and then daily. However, after Mustafa Kemal's move to Ankara, the newspaper caused some requests and complaints as it was far from Mustafa Kemal's control. Complaints about İrade-i Milliye were conveyed to Mustafa Kemal in a short time. As a matter of fact, II. The Commander of the Division, Mümtaz Bey, told Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 30, 1920, on the cipher wire, that the subscription fee of the people who subscribed to the newspaper İrade-i Milliye, which was published in Sivas, was two thousand and sixty cents, on December 8, 1919, at İrade-i Milliye in Sivas. He stated that he was sent to the Directorate of the Newspaper, but that this newspaper was not sent to them, that he did not trust this newspaper's management anymore, and that, therefore, the subscriber registration would not be successful. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, In an article he wrote to the Sivas Delegation Center on January 15, 1920, he reminded that İrade-i Milliye Newspaper should be sent to subscribers constantly. Although Mustafa Kemal was in Ankara, he was closely concerned with these complaints and took the necessary steps to ensure that the İrade-i Milliye, one of the important publications of the National War of Independence, could reach everywhere.14

İrade-i Milliye Newspaper continued to be published in Sivas for three years until the end of 1922. It became the tool of one of the groups that slid into separatism and also went into personal conflicts. When the “Dominion-i Milliye” started to appear in Ankara, it faded more and more every day. Halis Turgut, who was convicted by the Independence Court, was closed down twice while he was the manager. The closing in early February of 1921 continued for two and a half months. “... finally, the printing house of the province did not have the opportunity to print the newspaper and I closed the newspaper because I could not afford to open a new printing house. Later, I learned with regret that while he was in the country as a civil servant, the printing house burned down with the existing copies.”15

With the closure of İrade-i Milliye, Gaye-i Milliye newspaper began to be published on March 2, 1921 to act as the spokesperson for another group. In the most depressing days of the National Struggle, the people of Sivas were divided into two and they were making publications in these newspapers that fueled this duality. İrade-i Milliye, which was under the administration of Halis Turgut, intensified its separatist activities, especially six months before the Great Offensive, and became even more involved in personal fights in the municipal elections in the spring of 1922. It is not known when the last copy was published and closed. It is estimated that the last copy was published in March 1922.16 Today, there are 1-42 numbers in the Turkish Revolution History Institute in Ankara, and 1-42 numbers in the library of the Prime Ministry Press and Publication General Directorate.17 Sivas Provincial Directorate of Culture,

1 “1973 Sivas Provincial Yearbook”, Önder Printing House, Ankara, 173, pp. 197-198,

2 Uluğ İğdemir, “Sivas Congress Minutes” Historical Society Press, Ankara, 1969, p. one.

3 İğdemir, supra, p. 2.

4 Ömer Sami Coşar, “National Struggle Press”, Journalists' Association Publication, No 5 (undated), p. 113.

5 Selahattin Nationalerk, “Ulus, 14.9.1941”, p. 5.

6 Abdülkadir Sansözen, “Ulus, 14.9.1941”, p. 5.

7 Coşar, supra, p. 114.

8 Nationalerk, ibid, p. 5.

9 Sansözen, ibid, p. 5

10 Mahmut Goloğlu, “Sivas Congress”, Başnur Printing House, Ankara, 1969, p. 254.

11 Coşar, supra, p. 115-118.

12 Coşar, supra, p. 112-113.

13 Sansözen, supra, p. 5.

14 Yücel Özkaya, “Press at the Beginning of the National Struggle and Mustafa Kemal Pasha's Relations with the Press”, Atatürk Research Center Journal, volume 1, number 1, Turkish Historical Society Press, Ankara 1984, pp. 903-904; Yücel Özkaya, “Atatürk and the Press in the National Struggle”, (1919-1921) Turkish Historical Society Press, Ankara, 1989, pp. 60-61.

15 Nationalerk, ibid, p. 5.

16 Coşar, supra, p. 118 - Enver Behnan Şapolyo, “The History of Turkish Journalism and the Press with All Its Aspects”, Güven Press, Ankara, 1969, p. 192. Halis Turgut was later executed for the Izmir Assassination.

17 İzzet Öztoprak, “Turkish Press in the War of Independence”, Türkiye İş Bankası Cultural Publications No. 230, Ankara, 1981, p. 385.

Huseyin Yildirim

Source: ATATÜRK RESEARCH CENTER JOURNAL, Issue 23, Volume: VIII, March 1992    

 

IV

HOW WAS THE MAGAZINE OF THE NATIONAL STRUGGLE INSTALLED?      

Immediately after the Armistice of Mudros (October 30, 1918), the victorious states' implementation of Anatolian occupation programs began on May 15, 1919, when the Greeks landed in Izmir. One day after this sticker, IX. Mustafa Kemal Pasha (Atatürk), who was appointed as the Inspector of the Army Continents, set off from Istanbul to Samsun with the Bandırma Ferry, and arrived in Samsun on the morning of 19 May 1919 with 18 officers of the Inspection Headquarters. This event was actually a heroic act of Mustafa Kemal Pasha to unfurl the flag of struggle in Anatolia and start the struggle against the occupation forces and the Istanbul Government, which tolerated this occupation. Events began to develop rapidly after that. While the Greeks continued to descend from Izmir into Anatolia, the English, French, The Italian occupation forces had begun to occupy Anatolia as they agreed with each other. Although there were forces of resistance against the enemy invasions in various cities and towns, they were weak and even headless because they were not sufficiently organized. On the other hand, Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent a telegram to Grand Vizier Damad Ferit the day after he landed in Samsun and said: He declared that he would not accept it” and immediately contacted Kazım Karabekir Pasha, the 15th Corps Commander in Erzurum. Mustafa Kemal Pasha wanted to unite the struggle in a single power based on the unity of the nation and the unity of the homeland. For this purpose, he decided to go further inland from Samsun. He came to Havza on May 25, 1919, and Amasya on June 12, 1919. In a circular sent to all provinces on behalf of the Association for the Defense of the Law in Amasya, it was stated that "The integrity of the homeland and the independence of the nation are in danger, the Istanbul Government could not fulfill its duty, and the independence of the nation will be saved by the determination and decision of the nation again..." The Congress, which was decided to convene in Erzurum. He reported that three representatives from each province should be sent to Turkey. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who stayed in Amasya for 14 days, came to Erzurum on 3 July 1919, stopping by Tokat and Sivas as well.

While the events were developing rapidly, polarizations such as pro-sultan and pro-Anatolian National Forces started immediately in Istanbul, where the Turkish press congregated. The excitement of the journalists, who protested the occupation of Izmir by the Greeks in full unity, was gradually subsiding. Some newspapers have become soft on the occupation. But they didn't stop there. They began to see Mustafa Kemal's Anatolian campaign as an adventure that would open new troubles for the state and anger the invading states. The leading ones were Alemdar and Peyam-ı Sabah newspapers. Independent newspapers such as Tasvir-i Efkar, İkdam, Vakit, İleri, Tercüman, Akşam were also sending reporters to Erzurum and Sivas, and they supported the Anatolian operation and its leader, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, despite the government's censorship pressures1. Newspapers in the occupied regions of Anatolia, especially Izmir, were helpless, under strict surveillance and censorship by the occupation forces. Anadolu, Duygu, Ahenk newspapers published in İzmir were forced to publish Greek statements. The Köylü newspaper, published in İzmir, was completely on the side of the enemy. Among the Anatolian newspapers outside the occupation zones, the newspapers Öğd and Babalık published in Konya and Açık Söz in Kastamonu openly took their side and side with the National Struggle2. In addition, Albayrak in Erzurum, Doğru Söz in Balikesir, Yeni Adana in Adana, Emel in Amasya, Ahali in Samsun, Amal-i Milliye in Maraş and several other newspapers supported the National Struggle with their news and articles3. . Ahenk newspapers were compelled to publish Greek statements. The Köylü newspaper, published in İzmir, was completely on the side of the enemy. Among the Anatolian newspapers outside the occupation zones, the advice and Babalık newspapers published in Konya and Açık Söz in Kastamonu openly took their side and side with the National Struggle2. Moreover, Albayrak in Erzurum, Doğru Söz in Balikesir, Yeni Adana in Adana, Emel in Amasya, Ahali in Samsun, Amal-i Milliye in Maraş and several other newspapers supported the National Struggle with their news and articles3. . Ahenk newspapers were compelled to publish Greek statements. The Köylü newspaper, published in İzmir, was completely on the side of the enemy. Among the Anatolian newspapers outside the occupation zones, the advice and Babalık newspapers published in Konya and Açık Söz in Kastamonu openly took their side and side with the National Struggle2. Moreover, Albayrak in Erzurum, Doğru Söz in Balikesir, Yeni Adana in Adana, Emel in Amasya, Ahali in Samsun, Amal-i Milliye in Maraş and several other newspapers supported the National Struggle with their news and articles3. . In Kastamonu, Açık Söz newspapers openly took their side and side with the National Struggle2. Moreover, Albayrak in Erzurum, Doğru Söz in Balikesir, Yeni Adana in Adana, Emel in Amasya, Ahali in Samsun, Amal-i Milliye in Maraş and several other newspapers supported the National Struggle with their news and articles3. . In Kastamonu, Açık Söz newspapers openly took their side and side with the National Struggle2. In addition, Albayrak in Erzurum, Doğru Söz in Balikesir, Yeni Adana in Adana, Emel in Amasya, Ahali in Samsun, Amal-i Milliye in Maraş and several other newspapers supported the National Struggle with their news and articles3. .

Atatürk knew very well how effective the domestic and foreign press was in the success of the National Struggle he started in Anatolia. He also did some journalism experiments. While he was a student at the Military Academy (1896-1902), there were attempts to publish a wall newspaper with his friends, so he was given a denial of permission. Two days after the Armistice of Mudros, on November 2, 1918, he and his friend Fethi (Okyar) published a political daily newspaper called Minber in Istanbul. Dr. Rasim Ferid took over the franchise ownership and the responsible directorship of the Minber, and Atatürk published editorials in this newspaper under the pseudonym Minber. The Minbar, which was closed on November 21, 1918 after 50 issues were published, is a striking example of the importance Atatürk attached to the press.

Atatürk took meticulous care to ensure that the justification of the national operation he started in Anatolia was covered in the foreign press. On the days of the Sivas Congress (4-11 September 1919), he gave extensive information to the Chicago Daily News reporter Louis E. Browne, who came to Sivas from the United States, about the righteousness of the National Struggle and announced it to the world through him. Later, the French journalist Madame Berthe-Georges Gaulis also came to Anatolia and met with Atatürk in Ankara. Atatürk was also meticulously following the articles and news written in Europe for him and for Turkey. He made those who needed to be answered answered through the newspapers, paying attention not to open polemics with any foreign newspaper, whether pro or con.

The First Newspaper Published by Atatürk in the National Struggle: İrade-i Milliye

After the Erzurum Congress, the Sivas Congress was also held and the Congress ended on September 11, 1919. The Representative Committee, which was elected by the Congress under the presidency of Mustafa Kemal, would henceforth represent Turkey on behalf of the Turkish Nation, and the Representative Committee would start the parliamentary elections as soon as possible for the opening of the Parliament. In the meantime, Atatürk attempted to publish a newspaper immediately in Sivas in order to announce the decisions taken and the actions taken at the Sivas Congress and to create public opinion at home and abroad. He named the newspaper (İrade-i Milliye) and got its privilege from the governorship. The ownership and the responsible directorate was given to Salahaddin, one of the young people from Sivas. Printing works were carried out in Sivas Governorship printing house. The first issue of İrade-i Milliye was published on 14 September 1919. The phrase (Defendant of Metalibi and Amal-i Milliye) under the title of İrade-i Milliye was also dictated by Atatürk. The newspaper was published as 2 and 4 pages per week. The historian-author İsmail Hami (Danishmend), who attended the Sivas Congress with Atatürk's directive, wrote a long article titled Harekât-ı Milliyettin Esbabı in its first issue. Again in the first issue, Atatürk's speech at the opening of the Congress, as well as the wire sent by the Congress to the sultan, a declaration to the nation, the text of the oath of the members of the Congress, the copy of the wire sent by Sivas Governor Reşid Pasha to the Minister of Internal Affairs regarding the betrayal of Mamuretaziz Governor Galip Bey is included. was taking. The historian-author İsmail Hami (Danishmend), who attended the Sivas Congress with Atatürk's directive, wrote a long article titled Harekât-ı Milliyettin Esbabı in its first issue. Again in the first issue, Atatürk's speech at the opening of the Congress, as well as the wire sent by the Congress to the sultan, a declaration to the nation, the text of the oath of the members of the Congress, the copy of the wire sent by Sivas Governor Reşid Pasha to the Minister of Internal Affairs regarding the betrayal of Mamuretaziz Governor Galip Bey is included. was taking. The historian-author İsmail Hami (Danishmend), who attended the Sivas Congress with Atatürk's directive, wrote a long article titled Harekât-ı Milliyettin Esbabı in its first issue. Again in the first issue, Atatürk's speech at the opening of the Congress, as well as the wire sent by the Congress to the sultan, a declaration to the nation, the text of the oath of the members of the Congress, the copy of the wire sent by Sivas Governor Reşid Pasha to the Minister of Internal Affairs regarding the betrayal of Mamuretaziz Governor Galip Bey is included. was taking.

News and articles in the newspaper were prepared by Atatürk's friend and published after they were shown to Atatürk5.

İrade-i Milliye newspaper continued its publication after 18 December 1919, the date of Atatürk's departure from Sivas to Ankara. After this date, it was out of Atatürk's control, but efforts were made to continue its publication. At one point, Atatürk wanted the İrade-i Milliye to be moved to Ankara, but the move was abandoned because the people of Sivas and the concessionaire of the newspaper wanted the newspaper to stay in Sivas6. İrade-i Milliye was closed in early 1921 after its printing house burned down after 138 issues were published in Sivas.

Publication of Hakimiyet-i Milliye

Atatürk decided to publish a newspaper two days after he came to Ankara on 27 December 1919 as the “Representation of the Committee for the Defense of Anatolia and Rumelia Society” and settled in the Agricultural School in Keçiören. Although an Ankara Vilayet newspaper was published in Ankara, which was published in the provincial printing house, only provincial announcements and a couple of official news were published in this irregular and uncertain Official Gazette. Apart from this, a newspaper that could be the publication organ of the Representative Committee had to be published in Ankara. Atatürk, together with his friends, first focused on the name of the newspaper. The name (Voice of Anatolia) was found appropriate. Atatürk wanted the name of the newspaper (İrade-i Milliye) published in Sivas to be continued as Ankara (Hakimiyet-i Milliye) this time. The name of the newspaper was (Hakimiyet-i Milliye). The newspaper was named, but there was neither printing press nor paper. A broadcasting concession had to be obtained from the governor's office. Ankara Deputy Governor Yahya Galip easily granted this permission. The ownership and editorial directorate of the newspaper was given to Recep Zühdü (Soyak). Until a printing house was established, the newspaper was intended to be published in the Ankara provincial printing house. Mazhar Müfit Kansu, who came to Ankara with Atatürk in those days, gives us the following information about the emergence of Hakimiyet-i Milliye in his memoirs:

..We discussed and decided that a newspaper should be published in Ankara and that it should be named Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In order to publish a newspaper, it was necessary to make use of the provincial printing house. We were in need of assistance in terms of both paper and tab. We duly received permission for the prose of the newspaper by applying to the province. They sent me to the deputy governor for assistance.

When I went to the government and entered the room of Tahya Galip Bey, the deputy governor, the treasurer, the correspondent, the gendarmerie commander and other officials were discussing something in the room in the province.

He had me sit next to him. I secretly whispered: "Pasha's greetings, we will publish the National Sovereignty.

Upon these secret words of mine, Yahya Galip said in a loud voice: “What do you mean, sir, if you are going to publish a newspaper, will the province give the paper? Is Matbaa-i Vilayet your mansion? It can't be, sir, such things are against the rules and regulations. I don't recognize the Representative Committee for things that are contrary to the rules and regulations," he threw and held back.

Frankly, I was surprised. Yahya Galip Bey's behavior and response astonished me, as well as those present in the room.

The officer masters, who guessed that I would give a stern answer, left the room one by one. When he was alone, Yahya Galib Bey laughed out loud: “How did you like my playing? We made a call to the bookkeeper, the letter clerk, the gendarmerie commander, saying that I do not know the Representative Committee, and they will say, "These people, too, will say that the staunch governor refused the delegation's request for assistance." Dude, are such things asked? Matbaa-i Vilayet is yours and we are yours; take as much paper as you want. Give the necessary orders to the printing manager,” he said, and after drinking the coffee he ordered, I came to the school.

We laughed at the epic with the friends I told the case to. In this way, we started to issue the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye. Its owner was Recep Zühtü. The newspaper had an administrative office consisting of two small rooms when a narrow and wooden staircase was reached. We used to see Ziya Gevher busy writing, under the light of a bad number five lamp, on the edge of a wooden table in one of the small rooms.

In the evenings, some friends would stop by the administrative office to bring news, and they would attend the muavenet-i Kalemiye7.

For the newspaper office, two rooms were rented on the first floor of the Veli Hanı, close to the first Grand National Assembly building in Ankara's Ulus Square. The writing committee settled in this room. The Provincial Printing House was on the ground floor of the Governor's Office. The printing press had a manager, an old manual press, a mechanic, and two or three crew members. These crews could only write 2-3 columns a day, and when the afternoon prayer was read, they would leave their jobs and go to their homes.

Hakimiyet-i Milliye, which was decided to be published twice a week and with 4 pages for now, was published in such an inadequate printing house8.

One of Atatürk's close friends, Hakkı Behiç, also took part in the provision of the newspaper's articles and news. However, a cliché could not be made for the title of the newspaper, and one of the 36 large font letters (Hâkimiyet-i Milliye) in the printing house was lined up and used as a title. The newspaper was prepared on 4 columns by folding the 57 x 82 size paper in half. The first issue was finally published on Saturday, January 10, 1920. To the right of the title, the text (Sahib-i Imtiyaz ve Director-i Mes'ulü Recep Zühdü) (Address: Ankara-Hâkimiyet-i Milliye) was read. (Subscriber conditions: 300 kuruş per year. 160 kuruş for six months) was written under it. On the left side of the title, the sentence (Apply to the Hey'et-i Tahririye for public service and to the Director-i Mes'ule for general administration) was written, and the phrase (Dercedihneyen documents cannot be returned. A copy is 3 kurus). Under the title, the inscription (His job is to make the administration of the nation dominate) was read, and there was an editorial titled "Hâkimiyet-i Milliye" signed by the Heyet-i Tahririye, which Atatürk made note of Hakkı Behiç. In the editorial, which filled a whole page, the path the newspaper would take and the goals of the National Struggle were expressed with the following sentences:

We did not give this name to our newspaper, which has risen to prominence as of today, and will contain in its columns the conditions and events of all Anatolia and the surrounding areas that are related to it, by chance. In this case, we can say that the profession of the National Sovereignty will be the defense of the nation.

At a time when revolutions aimed at the most extremist and highest democracies were brought into existence all over the world, nations were complaining even of the spiritual dominance on which the progress of civilization was based, and there were unstoppable currents towards equality even in terms of wealth and salaries, twelve years of the revolution that brought about the constitutionalism. Afterwards, it may be considered a little strange that it seems that there is a need for a struggle for the sovereignty of the nation again. Let's give a brief answer to people who will think like this, that "sovereignty of the nation" never means constitutionalism. Constitutionalism can only be its means.

Just as every nation did for the recovery of the revolution's dominion, the aim of the revolution in our country was the sovereignty of the nation. Although this goal was more or less approached in the first few years following the proclamation of the constitutional monarchy, on the one hand, the freedoms that the fear of reaction began to exert pressure on the one hand, and on the other hand, to give up the will to compete against the destined nation, combined with the misguided minds that were clouded by the miserable minds, and led to the movements of the people. happened; and the nation, for a short time, lost the dominion that he thought he was holding, by the raging storms that had gone through it. One day, when there was talk of freedom, no one could act as they wanted, even in their most legitimate works, could not see graduation in their souls, and he felt that he had nothing but a vague memory of the past times in the name of sovereignty.

This was intolerable. Because until he took over the dominion, no sacrifices were made, no sacrifices were made, neither the dark days, nor the pains, and the disasters of a thirty-three-year reign of atrocities had passed. But the enemy eyes, always waiting for an opportunity from a corner of the border, envious and treacherous, never ceased to shine one day; And those who usurped the dominance of the nation based on him, always showed those two glowing dots of the horizon with round fire, and reassured the patience and endurance that showed the tendency to overflow with a menacing impulse. They succeeded. Because this nation never hesitated to accept every sacrifice for life and existence without hesitation. In the face of “anxieties of the homeland”, there was no grudge and vengeance that he did not forget, no purpose and interest that he did not abandon and sacrifice, no event or danger that he did not care about. He tolerated those who promised him victory in this battle, in which he put his presence, to encroach on his dominance. But when defeat came instead of victory, this nation showed that it had dominion with a great and firm God, which is not found in any other nation in the world. He broke and overthrown those who were on his head.

Following the Armistice, it was being thought that, since the national sovereignty was derived from the claws that were eager to abolish it, the presence that would be a high and effective factor in the way of reparation for the nation and its conditions that lead to the future, were stronger than anything else. -i will manifest and prove the nationalism, and will send the various national forces, which were scattered by the defeat, to the target by unifying and reconciling them... Yes, it was supposed to be like that. It turned out that the owls who wanted to build dirty and muddy nests on the ruins of this country did not grimace… It turned out that those who were devastated by the dreams of the atrocities that we thought were part of the past, were Hulagu who wanted to establish the gold ambitions of their future palaces on the skull of this poor nation. there is more... Such governments came to power with a disgusting maneuver right after the Armistice, and they committed such betrayals, fearing the negative influence of the national sovereignty they destroyed with the first blow. By relying on the enemy forces to lead them, they created such convictions that this time the nation had to manifest its existence and dominance with all its strength and grandeur. The National Forces, the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense Organization, are the origin of this suffering and the result of these circumstances and events. The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was born from this hadith. In order to drag the country to the division table of the enemies with their arms tied, and to lead the nation to the slaughterhouse with their eyes closed, they created such convictions by relying on the enemy forces that this time the nation had to manifest its existence and dominance with all its strength and grandeur. The National Forces, the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense Organization, are the origin of this suffering and the result of these circumstances and events. The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was born from this hadith. In order to drag the country to the division table of the enemies with their arms tied, and to lead the nation to the slaughterhouse with their eyes closed, they created such convictions by relying on the enemy forces that this time the nation had to manifest its existence and dominance with all its strength and grandeur. The National Forces, the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense Organization, are the origin of this suffering and the result of these circumstances and events. The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was born from this hadith. The Anatolian and Rumelian Defense Organization is the origin of this agony and the result of these circumstances and events. The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was born from this hadith. The Anatolian and Rumelian Defense Organization is the origin of this agony and the result of these circumstances and events. The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was born from this hadith.

After that, national sovereignty cannot be violated; there is no doubt about it. The nation came out of this last experience with such a great impression that dominance now constitutes a much deeper and more pervasive trace in their minds than the memory of twelve years ago. His angels cannot function unless he performs tawakkuf on this mark. However, the enemies of the national domination in our country are so low and so despicable that we do not think that they will easily give up the attempt to strangle the nation's right and dominance by taking refuge in the protection of the enemy and hoping for help from the foreign forces. There were even rulers who, during great revolutions, had their palaces guarded by enemy soldiers and invited the bayonets of their enemies to their nations. But it should not be forgotten that these rulers died in the political arenas, and worse yet, they live in the memory of all humanity. It is obvious to what extent the sovereignty of the national, which does not forgive the rulers, can digest a few derivations. Here, our newspaper is engaged in struggle and struggle against those who will want to haunt the domination of the nation.

We need more time for the struggle of the National Sovereignty. Behind the Constitutional Monarchy, the assemblies, the sects and political groups that will make the most of them with a few maneuvers, he will live by the Dominion of the nation, taking the pure, calm, loyal and magnanimous conscience of Anatolia, which always has determination and will, as his guide.

The National Sovereignty recognizes three great references: intelligence, wisdom, patriotism... It cannot rely on anything other than these. It cannot be the basis of the domination of the nation, of capitals, of empty politics, of grudges, interests, success and future desires. The nation needs to live, to live freely and independently, and to be a happy and perfect element of progress as long as they live. He will use his dominance for this. The aim of our newspaper is this need of the nation.

Delegation of Tahriye

The first issue of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, dated January 10, 1920, contained the telegram of the Mufti of Pazarcık, the Mayor and the people protesting the occupation of Maraş by the French in the south, with the long telegram of the ladies of Bursa to the Representation Committee of the Defense of Rights Society. With these telegrams, messages were sent to Anatolia to protest the actions of the occupation forces in every city and town.

As a matter of fact, after these broadcasts, protest telegrams and rallies increased, and voices began to come from every corner of Anatolia. In addition, Azerbaijan and Georgia events were also included in the first issue.

Although we do not have exact information about how many copies of the first issue of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper were published, it is thought to be 1200-1500 from the notes of those who lived that day and researchers, and more than half were sent to army units, provinces and districts, Defense of Rights Associations, governorships, foreign representations and necessary It is known to be distributed to the places seen. The following circular was sent to the Central Committees of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Associations on January 11, 1920, the day after the newspaper was published9:

The amount of the first copy of the "Hâkimiyet-i Milliye" newspaper, which was started to be published twice a week in Ankara within the scope of the profession and program of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights Association and under the supervision of the Representative Committee, was sent by post. It is particularly requested that the dispatch of the subscription fees of those who will be registered as a subscriber of three hundred per year and one hundred and sixty cents for six months, through Ziraat Bank, and the execution of indication and encouragement in this regard.

Head of the Representative Committee

Mustafa Kemal

The Head of the Representative Committee, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, sent a telegram to the 15th Corps Commander, Kazım Karabekir Pasha, on January 13, 1920, stating that a newspaper called Hâkimiyet-i Milliye was started to be published in Ankara, although it looked like a private newspaper, its articles were given by the Representation Committee. reported10.

The editorials of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper were not signed, and a single star was put under some of the articles. It is said that these writings came from Atatürk's pen or were dictated by Atatürk11.

In any case, Hâkimiyet-i Milliye is determined to continue its publication as a lawsuit newspaper in its narrow staff and inadequate printing house. Once, with the signature of Mustafa Kemal, also the concession holder and editor-in-chief of the newspaper, Recep Zühdü, a telegram was sent to Salih Bey, the Chief Aide of the Ministry of War in Istanbul on March 5, 1920, asking for a chapographer, enough spare oilcloths and ink12. Of the 442 okka newsprint requested from the Eskişehir Governor's Office, 272 okkas arrived in Ankara only on 20 April 192013. Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram dated 14 April 1920 to Bekir Sami Bey, the Deputy Commander of the 14th Corps in Bursa, regarding the summons to Bursa for the papers to be sent from Istanbul14. As it can be understood from these telegrams, the paper shortage is at the last stage besides the printing machine. Several times, Wrapping paper was sought from tradesmen in the Ankara bazaar, and newspapers were printed to those found suitable. In the General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies Presidency Atatürk Archive, Mustafa Kemal signed Müdafaa-i on the issue of providing subscribers to the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper since the day it was released, sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers locally and appropriately. There are many copies of telegrams sent to Law Societies and military units. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. Newspapers were printed to those who were found suitable. In the General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies Presidency Atatürk Archive, Mustafa Kemal signed Müdafaa-i on the issue of providing subscribers to the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper since the day it was released, sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers locally and appropriately. There are many copies of telegrams sent to Law Societies and military units. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. Newspapers were printed to those who were found suitable. In the General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies Presidency Atatürk Archive, Mustafa Kemal signed Müdafaa-i on the issue of providing subscribers to the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper since the day it was released, sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers locally and appropriately. There are many copies of telegrams sent to Law Societies and military units. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. In the General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies Presidency Atatürk Archive, Mustafa Kemal signed Müdafaa-i on the issue of providing subscribers to the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper since the day it was released, sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers locally and appropriately. There are many copies of telegrams sent to Law Societies and military units. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. In the General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies Presidency Atatürk Archive, Mustafa Kemal signed Müdafaa-i on the issue of providing subscribers to the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper since the day it was released, sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers locally and appropriately. There are many copies of telegrams sent to Law Societies and military units. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. There are many copies of telegrams, signed by Mustafa Kemal, sent to the Defense Forces and military units, about sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers to the relevant people. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. There are many copies of telegrams, signed by Mustafa Kemal, sent to the Defense Forces and military units, about sending the subscription fees to Ankara via Ziraat Bank, and distributing the mailed newspapers to the relevant people. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15. Among these is the telegram of Nazilli Location Commander Servet Bey, in a telegram sent to Mustafa Kemal Pasha on January 14, 1920, asking who will deal with the writings of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. In the reply given, it was reported that Hakkı Behiç Bey from the Representative Committee dealt with the editorial affairs of the Hâkimiyet-i Milliye15.

The Hâkimiyet-i Milliye declared in an editorial on the day it came out that it sided with the homeland and the nation, and the sovereignty of the nation, and that it was openly on the side of the National Forces. It was obvious that some Istanbul newspapers, which had denigrated the Anatolian campaign from the beginning and wrote articles against the Kuvây-ı Milliye, would not like the emergence of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. They denigrated the newspaper and accused the nation of dragging the end into a dark adventure. The Hakimiyet-i Milliye, on the other hand, boldly opened fire on these defeatist newspapers and gave wide coverage to Anatolia's harsh attitude towards these newspapers. In its issue dated February 2, 1920, the telegram sent by the members of the Anatolian Women's Defense of the Vatan Society in Sivas to the Ottoman Press Society in Istanbul was published under the title (A Pathetic Sadâ from Anatolia).

Anatolian Women's Defense of the Vatan Society sent a telegram to Matbuat-ı Osmaniye Society in Istanbul. We cite a copy of the telegram that has not yet been published in the Istanbul press:

Two or three newspapers whose names, professions, aims, privileges, directors, and authors are well-known, in this moment, when we are in the struggle for life and death, invite the whole nation of Osmaniye to action within the framework of unity, in order to save the country. We see and hear that, instead of being in patriotism, they are making publications that will violate the silence, seduce the plain language, and distort the general morality. With a woman's heart, we commend these unfortunate sons of the country who helped them morally and materially while the enemies were trying to divide our country. We cannot imagine a true Turk or Muslim who does not hate what is written in these newspapers. What do these masters want? The most important and beautiful part of our country is under occupation, Do they not know that our coreligionists are groaning in oppression and tyranny? Instead of dealing with agraz-i-personalities and spreading the seeds of discord and mischief in partnership, these masters should tell them if they have any measures against the disaster that the country has suffered. Otherwise, we do not understand how it is beneficial for the country, or even for them, by doubting that some of the people who want to save the country from this misfortune are the Unionist and the other is the Entente. . Both the Unionist and the Entente are the sons of this country. It is enough that they love their country and do not forget that they are the children of this country, and they do not sell their conscience at the cost of millions. It should be well known that all the distinguished sons of the country cannot be tainted for a few lowly Unionists. Today, the Anatolian people, women, men, we even hate the name sect. Because now it's over. Just as we do not want a faction, we cannot sacrifice our country for the fight of a few factions. Anadolu does not want the party and will not. But he cannot sacrifice his honorable citizens, who were previously members of the sects, because they are Unionists and Entente. Let them know this. If the purpose of these masters is to condemn every good attempt and to declare that there is no honest man in the country, the situation they commit is treason for the nation and the country. Let them be afraid of history. Europeans, a newspaper published in a country represents the general sentiment of the people of that country, they are in their faith. Here we are shouting that the publications of these masters cannot even touch the general Anatolian sentiment. These rags cannot be an interpreter for the decent, pure neighborhood of Anatolia. We protest with all our hearts against their wicked publications. We want the Nation of Osmaniye to work in order to save their homeland in a state of mass revelation. It is we poor Anatolian women who suffer the most in the war. We have given our children, husbands and brothers to this war for the defense of our country for five years. We carried the supplies of our soldiers on our backs in the stage-i war, we carried stones. Like the wives of those masters, we did not sit and enjoy ourselves in our mansions in Büyükada, in our mansions in Şişli, which were inherited from our pasha fathers. We don't drive around in cars by making toilets with the money they earn easily - we shed tears for the victims we give. Together with our men, we persevered in the defense of this blessed land that remained in our hands to honor their souls. If these masters have Turkish and Muslim blood in their veins, we ask for the sake of the country's salvation: Let them keep quiet... If they do not remain silent and continue with their immoral publications like this, we will boycott their newspapers - We will never let them into our countries as we do not read their newspapers - And we will be able to achieve this in a strict manner. - Do not force us to do this. Because no matter what happens, boycotting an Islamic newspaper will be heavy on our conscience and will touch our dignity. But what shall we do?.. According to what we see in the newspapers, the center was inviting the members of the Hürriyet and the Entente to resign. What is the purpose here? Of course, the deputies from distant places may arrive late, and if some of them are resigned in this way, what idea can be left out other than ensuring that the parliament cannot hold a meeting before the decision of the peace conference, the majority will not come? In that case, won't the cause of this disaster be the masters who brought this discord into the country? We ask our esteemed deputies of any sect they belong to: They should not resign as the plaything of three or five people by abusing the security of the nation, which has shown great confidence in them by taking the deputies. This would be an unscrupulous act. Today, the nation does not recognize the Union or the Alliance. We say it again that we do not want a party - We regard the party as a division in our country. We curse the three or five people who cause this, rather than the Enver, Cemal and Talat, whose dictatorships, oppression and wrong actions bring disaster to our country. Because these masters deliberately, with their wisdom, and with their knowledge and wisdom, they are doing harm to their country. We invite them to mercy on behalf of the countries that raised them, and to conscience on behalf of their religious brothers.

Sivas Anatolian Women

Defense of the Vatan Society

As soon as the news of the occupation of Istanbul by the British, the dissolution of the Parliament and the arrest of the deputies reached Konya, a large rally was held in Konya and the event was strongly condemned. In its issue dated April 13, 1920, Hâkimiyet-i Milliye devoted a large space to the following telegram sent in connection with this rally17.

It was stated that the British Forces were forcibly occupied by the British Forces along with all the state and national institutions and officials of Istanbul, in a way that was contrary to the most primitive principles of humanity, and that some of our deputies were forcibly taken from the national assembly, together with many poets. We have heard with great sadness and excitement that the civilized nations that sanctified the national nationality were arrested in a way that would make them blush forever. This determination cannot turn us Turks and Muslims, who are determined to defend the caliphate, which is the heart of the whole world of Islam, and the seven centuries-old Ottoman government and dominance, and the life and existence of the ancient Turkish-Muslim nation, from our tribe. Therefore, the freedom of the nations, which the twentieth century civilization tried to fulfill, the freedom of coercion and domination,

The nation-i Osmaniye, which was isolated from its defense by an armistice based on Wilson's principles based on the common law and the fundamental society of humanity, was exposed for five years in an unnamed crime in the history of the nation and in the community, With the principle of "the domination of strength against weakness" or "preservation of weakness against pain", which has been declared as one of the main principles of the war that has been going on since the war, it is appreciated that official Europe is not capable of science and education, not official Europe. We entrust the owner of knowledge, ideas and persuasion to the general conscience of Europe and America, and we will call attention to humanity, the case that will come from this incident, and the responsibility for the history - The Caliphate,The legitimacy and sanctity of our struggle for the sake of the government and the preservation of our existence, even in the most difficult moments, magnifies our grace and tawfiqat-i samadaniyyah.

(Meeting and Mayor Vehbi, ulema Ali Kemal, ulema Tahir, etibbâ-yi military member and member of the council Yusuf Ziya, member of the general council Yusuf Ziya, member of the general council Hilmi, Chamber of Commerce President Mehmed, member of the municipality Hilmi , Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce Mehmed, a member of the municipality Mehmed Said, director of Gayret newspaper, municipal legal adviser, Refik from the court of law, director of Ümran company, director of the Turkish Commercial Bank, esrafftan Mutyabzâde Rifat, member of the municipality Bakkalbaşızâde Şemşeddin, Director of Grocery Company Mustafa, one of the sultan's teachers , Rençber company manager Ahmed Hıfzı, vukelâ-yı deâvî Eyüp Sabri, Municipal Engineer Ethem İzzet, general assembly member and merchant Tusuf, merchant Haazâde Mehmet Ali...)

The Turkish Grand National Assembly was opened on April 23, 1920. Hâkimiyet-i Milliye Newspaper, in its April 28, 1920 issue, gave this opening with the title (Grand National Assembly)18:

It is for this reason that all the nations of the world are shaking in their feelings and movements for freedom and independence today. For our nation, which has lived with independence and dominance for centuries, in such a turmoil, when independence and dominance, which are the most vital substances for it, seem to be in danger, it would not be possible not to act with anger and excitement. This is how the Grand National Assembly is the product of such sacred excitement and nervousness. it is autumn.

The deputies, who were formed in a month and as a result of an extraordinary effort, were gradually meeting in Ankara, and even the other deputies, who were occupied and captured, and who were able to escape from Istanbul, which was under a terrible pressure, were also joining them in Ankara. Finally, it was decided that the Grand National Assembly would be besieged on Friday, April 23, and it was decided that on that day, together with the deputies, all small and large government officials and notables were allowed to gather in the Hacı Bayrak Veli Mosque-i sheriff, and a congregation was held. After the performance of the Friday prayer with i Kübra, a delegation of ulema carrying the sanjak-i sheriff and the sanjak-i-sheriff in the front, with the sheikh takbirs and dangers, they gave spiritual blessings to the believer, and the Grand National Assembly was approved.

We refer to the first meeting of the Grand National Assembly exactly and the second meeting, which is the scene of many remarkable statements, to the second and third pages, in terms of importance. it will consist of repeating his wishes to be successful in his patriotism.)

Another important news in the issue of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye dated April 28, 1920 is that the Chief of the Grand National Assembly Mustafa Kemal at the Ankara Station, where Harbiye Nazın Fevzi (Çakmak) Pasha of the Istanbul Government secretly crossed into Anatolia and arrived in Ankara on April 27. (Atatürk) and many deputies, Fevzi Pasha came directly to the Parliament and gave a speech about the occupation of Istanbul, which upset and made everyone cry.

Hakimiyet-i Milliye made a move under difficult conditions and started to be published three days a week after its 47th issue and 18 July 1920. Around this time, another newspaper was starting to appear in Ankara. Yunus Nad (Abalıoğlu), owner of Yeni Gün newspaper published in Istanbul, crossed to Anatolia and came to Ankara. As of August 1, 1920, he started to publish his newspaper under the name (New Day in Anatolia). In the first days, the New Day in Anatolia, which was published in the Provincial Printing House in Ankara, was published every day except Saturday. Yunus had brought compositors from Istanbul for the newspaper Nadi. A few of them were given to the Hakimiyet-i Milliye19.

In September 1920, a daily newspaper called Yeni Dünya began to be published in Eskişehir. The newspaper was supported by Çerkeş Etem and received assistance from Russia. According to rumors, with the money collected from the people of the Defense of Rights Association in Eskişehir, the Commercial Printing House in Eskişehir, which was in good condition, was purchased, and it was given to journalist Arif Oruç to make a Bolshevik propaganda by order of Çerkeş Ethem. In December of the same year, Yeni Dünya newspaper was brought to Ankara. After the incident of Çerkeş Ethem, the New World, which shared his betrayal, was confiscated, and the typesetting boxes and machinery were transferred to the newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye20.

Atatürk was determined to take him to the National Sovereignty every day. This could have been possible after the transfer of the New World Printing House to the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. The 100th issue of the newspaper was published on January 22, 1921, after which it was interrupted for two weeks. Journalist Ömer Sami Coşar wrote what happened next21.

(The printing machine was placed in Velihan's barn across from Taşhan. They tried to clean this barn by pouring buckets of water, and they lined up the letterboxes in a corner. Next to the machine, the Provincial Printing House looked like a creature from the stone age. Especially the new machine had a gas engine, which With its help, he could print the pages and there was no need to turn them by hand. Two rooms, which can be reached by narrow stairs just beyond the barn. Who knows who has slept here for years?

The stable of this historical inn in Anatolia was at the time when it was a crew house. Mustafa Kemal Pasha had Hüseyin Ragıp (Boydur) sitting across from him in the building at the station where he slept.

We will publish “HAKİMİYET-İ MİLLİYE” every day. You will be busy with this. You will write an editorial there every day!”

Ankara had just embarked on the path of forming a regular army from the gang era, and had won İnönü Caferi the month before. There were many more troubles ahead. However, from that moment on, Mustafa Kemal was determined to lay the foundations of the state and the new regime by spreading his main ideas with his newspaper. Hüseyin Ragıp, whose opinion he explained, was one of the young values ​​raised by the constitutionalism. This young man, who teaches history and geography and knows the language, was ready to accept the task, but he was not a revolutionary despite his revolutionary ideas. There was one further condition:

“- Pasha, I will write the editorials under my signature by getting a directive from you. But on the condition that you see them!”

Mustafa Kemal agreed. And on the morning of February 6, 1921, the first daily copy of HÂKİMİTET-İ MİLLİYE was coming out of the machine that made the noise in Velihan's barn. The sun had just risen that morning when the only car available in the city was driving into the courtyard of the inn. Mustafa Kemal had arrived. Each step of the old stairway sang separately under his boots. He sat on one of the chairs in the editorial office and watched this first edition of his daily newspaper with joy for a while. He was so happy! Even with a single leaf, with this newspaper, he would be able to give direction to the Assembly, which presents a very mixed picture.

This time, there was another change in HÂKİMİYET-İ MİLLİYE, which placed the sentence (released every day except Saturday) in its title. It was also announced that the editorial writer was Hüseyin Ragıp. Hüseyin Ragıp's signature was at the bottom of the editorial about the London Conference, to which the representatives of the Ankara Government were invited. The newspaper also reported its daily inspiration as follows:

“HÂKİMİYET-İ MİLLİYE, after two years of struggle, starts to descend from today on a daily basis and in a way more worthy of the favor he has received from his wives. The Hakimiyet-i Milliye will take all measures to redeem this affection and favor of his wives. To this end, he will keep his wives regularly informed of the actions and actions of the Government of the Nationality in domestic and foreign politics, and will convey the literary, scientific and scientific currents of the period on its pages with specialized signatures. Hâkimiyet-i Milliye provided correspondents in Paris, Rome, Berlin, Budapest, Switzerland and the United States throughout our country. We find it more convenient to show the perfection that this supply can give to the newspaper, rather than telling it now. Tevfik is from Allah.”

Journalist and writer Enver Behnan Şapolya, who lived in those days, also says the following22!

At this time, Ziya Gevher Etili, who had fled from Istanbul, became the editor-in-chief of the Hakimiyet-i Milliye. The staff of the newspaper has also been completed. Ahmed Ulus became the chief crew member. It had six crew members. Ali Baba and İhsan Bey were looking after the correspondent. With this staff, the Domination of the Milliye began to appear in a perfect way. Ziya Gevher Bey gave life to the newspaper. The deputies and intellectuals in Ankara wrote invaluable articles for the Hakimiyet-i Milliye.

In 1922, my friend Kemaleddin Kamu introduced me to Ziya Gevher to enter the Sovereignty. Ziya Gevher took me in front of him and said: “The first condition in journalism is to follow the events from day to day, and the second condition is to get news if you are fired from the door, you will enter through the chimney and get news. Come on, good luck!” said..

Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, which started to be published daily as of February 6, 1921, gradually renewed its machinery and expanded its writing staff. Apart from Yunus Nadi's (Yeni Gün) Newspaper, which was being published in Ankara at that time, the (Öğd) Newspaper, which was published in Konya, continued to be published daily in Ankara since 7 July 192223. These three newspapers increased the fighting power of the nation with a fresh enthusiasm every day without interrupting their publications during the National Struggle.

After the Great Victory, Hakimiyet-i Milliye took part in the establishment of the new Turkey with its publication. Writer Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, who was in the cadre of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye in those days, says in his memoirs24:

It had only been a few months since the invasion armies had withdrawn from our lands. Ankara consisted of a pile of adobe and dung. The writing and administrative center of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye resembled a stork's nest with two makeshift rooms placed on four pillars. However, we found ourselves strong like eagles in this stork nest. Your country is devastated, backward and devastated, neither our personal anxieties, troubles, and deprivations gave us an iota of pride. In fact, we were flapping our wings with the enthusiasm of embarking on a new and more difficult struggle, completely freed from the tiredness and exhaustion of the period of the National Struggle a little while ago. We found ourselves ready for such a move at the broken-legged tables of Hâkimiyet-i Milliye.”

After the Republic, Hâkimiyet-i Milliye continued its publication in Ankara under the same name until 1934 and changed its name to (Ulus) after 4794 issues. Ulus newspaper Yeni Ulus was also published under the name of Halkçı. He stopped broadcasting from time to time. It reverted to its old name. It continues to be published under the same name.

1 İhsan Ilgar, Domestic and Foreign Press in the Armistice, Istanbul, 1973.

2 Mehmet leader, Advice Newspaper on the Side of the National Struggle and its Saloon, Ankara, 1986.

3 Yücel Özkaya, Atatürk and the Press in the National Struggle, p. 18-28, Ankara 1989.

4 ages 25-34.

5 On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Atatürk's birth, Türkiye İş Bankası published the first issue of İrade-i Milliye newspaper as a copy and also in Turkish alphabet.

6 Fuat Süreyya Oral, History of Turkish Press, II., p. 42, Ankara, 1968.

7 Mazhar Müfit Kamu, Together with Atatürk From Erzurum Until His Death, II., p. 503, Ankara, 1968.

8 Enver Behnan Şapolyo, The History of Turkish Journalism and the Press with All Its Aspects, p. 192, Ankara 1960.

9 Ömer Sami Coşar, National Struggle Press, p. 125, Istanbul, 1963.

10 General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies, Atatürk Archive, D 4/162. See also Atatürk's Circular, Telegram and Declarations, IV., p. 162, Ankara, 1964.

11 Yucel Ozkaya, aged 69.

12 General Staff Military History and Strategic Studies, Atatürk Archive, Folder: 29/336.

13 Same Archive, Folder: 29/23.

14 Same Archive, Folder: 20/B.

15 For these telegrams, see. Yucel Ozkaya, ages 66-68.

16 Hâkimiyet-i Milliye newspaper, dated February 2, 1920. See also: National Struggle with the Writers of the Revolution and Gazi Mustafa Kemal (Prepared by Mehmet Kaplan-lnci Enginün-Birol Emil Nejat, First-Abdullah Uçman), Istanbul, 1981.

17 The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, dated 13 April 1920.

18 The newspaper Hâkimiyet-i Milliye, dated 28 April 1920.

19 Enver Behnan Shapolyo, age 124.

20 Ömer Sami Coşar, pp. 128-129.

21 Ömer Sami Coşar, ibid. 130, See also. Naşit Hakkı Uluğ, Our compatriot Atatürk, p. 95, Istanbul, 1973.

22 Enver Behnan Shapolyo, aged 197.

23 Mehmet leader, age 25.

24 Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Return to Ulus, Ulus (Ankara) newspaper, 18 June 1955.

Dr. Mehmet Onder

Source: JOURNAL OF ATATÜRK RESEARCH CENTER, Issue 20, Volume: VII, March 1991