The Life of Hüseyin Rauf Orbay (1880-1964)

Summary

Hüseyin Rauf Orbay was born in 1880 in Istanbul Cibali. His father is Admiral Mehmet Muzaffer Pasha and his mother is Hayriye Rüveyde Hanım. Rauf Bey attended primary school in Cibali Primary School, secondary school in Tripoli Military High School, and high school in Heybeliada Naval School. Rauf Bey joined the Navy in 1899 with the rank of lieutenant. He served on different warships until 1918. During the Balkan Wars, he was known for the Hamidiye Raid. In the First World War; He fought on the Iranian Front. He served as the Chief of Naval Warfare. He served as the Minister of the Navy in the Ahmet İzzet Pasha Government, which was established at the end of the war. Meanwhile, he signed the Armistice of Mudros as the Chief Executive Officer. During the Turkish War of Independence; After the congresses, he attended the Last Ottoman Assembly (Meclis-i Mebusan) meeting on behalf of the Representative Committee. Meanwhile, he was arrested by the British and exiled to Malta. After escaping from Malta, he first served as the Minister of Public Works, then the Prime Minister and the Deputy Speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. In the Republican Era; He was among the founders of the Progressive Republican Party. He remained independent when his party was closed due to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was sentenced in the Izmir Assassination against Atatürk. Meanwhile, he could not return to the country for 10 years because he was abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed Ambassador to London in 1942. He retired from public service in 1944. Ultimately, he spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He later served as Prime Minister and Deputy Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In the Republican Era; He was among the founders of the Progressive Republican Party. He remained independent when his party was closed due to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was sentenced in the Izmir Assassination against Atatürk. Meanwhile, he could not return to the country for 10 years because he was abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed Ambassador to London in 1942. He retired from public service in 1944. Ultimately, he spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He later served as Prime Minister and Deputy Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In the Republican Era; He was among the founders of the Progressive Republican Party. He remained independent when his party was closed due to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was sentenced in the Izmir Assassination against Atatürk. Meanwhile, he could not return to the country for 10 years because he was abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed Ambassador to London in 1942. He retired from public service in 1944. Ultimately, he spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He remained independent when his party was closed due to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was sentenced in the Izmir Assassination against Atatürk. Meanwhile, he could not return to the country for 10 years because he was abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed Ambassador to London in 1942. He retired from public service in 1944. Ultimately, he spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He remained independent when his party was closed due to the Sheikh Said Rebellion. He was sentenced in the Izmir Assassination against Atatürk. Meanwhile, he could not return to the country for 10 years because he was abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed Ambassador to London in 1942. He retired from public service in 1944. Ultimately, he spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era. He spent his life giving lectures and conferences at universities and traveling until his death in Istanbul in 1964. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician in the process from the Ottoman Empire to the Republican Era.

Entrance

There are two basic facts in the training of military or bureaucrat origin statesmen who served in the Turkish War of Independence and played a role in laying the foundation of the new Turkish State. First, they were educated in modern schools that would form the foundation of the Turkish Republic. Secondly, they were raised by fighting for liberation from the "hell mill" that the Ottoman Empire fell into. These struggles gave an officer serving in the Turkish army a "politician formation" and a political and cultural man a "military formation". Most importantly, they were so immersed in community affairs that it even affected their family life. For example, a soldier who joined the Turkish army in the 1900s spent at least twenty years in the war. So much so that when peace was established, these community members, They are late to start a family. One of the soldiers and politicians trained in this period is Hüseyin Rauf Bey. In this study, we will examine Rauf Bey's life. Feridun Kandemir published his political memoirs, described as a "hell mill", in various issues of the "Recent History Magazine"2. Based on these memories, a few studies were conducted on Rauf Bey's biography3. In this article, we will try to write the life of Hüseyin Rauf by testing it with the memories of other important politicians of the period. He published it in various issues of the “Journal of Our Recent History”2. Based on these memories, a few studies were conducted on Rauf Bey's biography3. In this article, we will try to write the life of Hüseyin Rauf by testing it with the memories of other important politicians of the period. He published it in various issues of the “Journal of Our Recent History”2. Based on these memories, a few studies were conducted on Rauf Bey's biography3. In this article, we will try to write the life of Hüseyin Rauf by testing it with the memories of other important politicians of the period.

Childhood, Upbringing and Education

Hüseyin Rauf Bey was born in 1880 (H.1296)4 in the Cibali district of Istanbul. Ferik (Admiral) Mehmet Muzaffer Pasha5, whose father was the Chairman of the Naval Council and Ayan (Senator), and his mother was Hayriye Rüveyde Hanım. Rauf Bey had four siblings, one boy and three sisters. His father was originally from Circassian origin and his mother was the daughter of Bedirhan Pasha, a Kurdish tribal chief.6

After completing his primary education at the primary school in Cibali, he left Istanbul with his family when his father was appointed to Tripoli as a commodore. He attended secondary school in the newly opened Military High School in Tripoli.

Returning from Tripoli, on May 14, 1893, he started the first class of Heybeliada Naval School (Idadi/Marine High School). On March 14, 1897, he transferred to the Harbiye (Şâkirdan) class. He graduated from the Naval Academy on March 31, 1899 with the rank of Deck Engineer (lieutenant). After training and training (internship) on the Heybetnümâ School Ship, he joined the Navy. Between 1905 and 1911, within the framework of strengthening and developing the navy, he participated in visits to various countries for educational purposes7.

Military Life

His military life began when Hüseyin Rauf Bey was appointed to the Selimiye Frigate after his internship on the Heybetnümâ School Ship. He first served on the Selimiye Frigate and later on as Assistant Navigation Officer on the Garp Ferry. He was promoted to the rank of first lieutenant on April 1, 1901, while he was serving in the Mahmudiye Battleship. He served as the second commander of the Hamidiye Torpedo and Fethiye Ship. He was promoted to the rank of captain on April 23, 1904. He was appointed to the "Mesudiye Battleship" on August 24, 1904. Rauf Bey had brought the "Abdulmecid Cruiser", which was built in the cramp benches of the USA, to Istanbul with the American sailor Bucknam Bey, as he had a good command of English and attracted attention with his success in his duties. A successful sailor, Bucknam Bey was given the rank of "Pasha" by Abdulhamid the Second, and he was put into Ottoman service. Rauf Bey was appointed as Bucknam Pasha's translator and assistant. Rauf Bey established close friendships with Bucknam Pasha during this two-year duty and went on many mission trips. For example, in 1905 he was sent first to England and then to the United States to purchase transport ships, inspect shipbuilding benches and submarine ships. On his return, he was assigned to the Ottoman navy operating in the Red Sea during the Yemen Campaign and worked under Ahmed İzzet Pasha. On January 28, 1906, he was assigned to the Âsâr-ı Tevfik Battleship and was sent to Germany with the officers who would bring this ship home, which was repaired and refurbished at the Kiel Shipyard in Germany. During these trips, Rauf Bey further improved his naval knowledge and experience8. Meanwhile, on January 8, 1907, he was promoted to left-hand man (senior captain). He was appointed as the commander of the Peykişevket Torpedo Cruiser on March 2, 1907, and took part in the officer flotilla to suppress the Samos Uprising. On 13 November 1907, he joined the activities of the Movement Army, which came to Istanbul due to the 31 March Uprising as a right-hand man (front captain). During this operation, Cemal Bey (Pasha)9 introduced Rauf Bey and Mustafa Kemal, and Kazım Karabekir with İsmet Bey (İnönü)10. He was appointed as the Commander of the Hamidiye Ship on 5 May 1909. He played a role in suppressing the Hamidiye and Albanian Uprisings. In the same year, he served as the representative of Turkey at the Danube International Waterway Commission. He attended the coronation of King George V of England, who ascended the throne on May 7, 1910. He represented the Turkish Navy at the official naval parade held on this occasion. He took part in the delivery of supplies to Tripoli in the 1911 Turkish-Italian War11.

Hamidiye Raid

Hüseyin Rauf Bey was known for his raids in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean as the commander of the Hamidiye Cruiser in the Balkan Wars. Between December 1912 - September 1913, Varna, Draç, Shinkin raids, he tried to compensate for the moral depression caused by the Balkan defeat. Because of these achievements, he was known as the "Hero of Hamidiye" in the Turkish public.12

Rauf Bey said, “There is no doubt that I can't even be a helmsman of Big Barbaros. carried out the last great raiding operation of the century. As the commander of the Hamidiye Cruiser, he bombarded Şira as soon as he went on the raider expedition from Çanakkale. He sunk the Greek-flagged Macedonian Ship, hit the gunpowder factory, which was the war quarterback, and similar targets. By declaring to the Greeks that he was fighting only those who fought and only those who fought, he warned and threatened "if you touch the non-combatants, I will destroy all your shores."

Having crossed the Aegean Sea after the bombardment of Shira, Rauf Bey sailed to the Mediterranean to neutralize the Averoff Armored Cruiser, the new and powerful ship of the Greek navy. However, the Greek commander, Admiral Konduryatis, did not withdraw Averoff from the Dardanelles.

Hamidiye followed the Mediterranean coasts of Tripoli, Syria, Egypt and Hejaz, and went as far as Yemen's Hudeyde pier. The Muslims, who regard Hamidiye as a symbol of Turkish maritime, showed great love here. All the needs of the cruiser were met by the Islamic countries visited.13

Rauf Bey, who went back to the Mediterranean via Suez from the Red Sea, headed for the Adriatic after Sicily and Malta. On February 27, 1913, she sank a Greek ship called Laros. According to the information received, the port of Shinkin, where the Greeks made war shipments, was bombarded. Rauf Bey describes this moment of bombardment as follows: “Greeks used to make war shipments from Shinkin. I opened fire from 3500 meters from the port. The bombardment created great panic. Ships loaded with soldiers, cannons, ammunition and even aircraft wanted to escape to the inner harbor, and the soldiers were throwing themselves into the sea. It was a perfect parent's day. At the end of the half-hour bombardment, all military targets in Shinkin were destroyed. There were also eight Greek ships loaded with war material to be used in besieging us in Shkodra”.

Hamidiye, which opened to the Mediterranean from the Adriatic after the Shinkin raid, came to Çanakkale on 6 September 1913 with the enthusiastic demonstrations of its people.14

When Rauf Bey, who went to Germany with Cema1 Pasha at the beginning of the First World War, was presented to the German Emperor Wilhelm, the Emperor first said, “I followed your Hamidiye operation with interest. Our Emdem also wanted to imitate you, but he could not succeed and sank on the way.”15

Rauf Bey kept the Greek army on the Thessaloniki front by raising the morale of the Turkish people during the most difficult days of the Hamidiye Operation and the Balkan War, and also prevented Serbia's help. He almost immobilized the Greek navy, especially their biggest ship, the Battleship Averoff. Due to this success, Rauf Bey was called the Hero of Hamidiye in public. The state created a medal bearing the name of "The Hamidiye Cruiser Hümâyunu". Meanwhile, on July 2, 1913, while on his way back (İzmir), Rauf Bey was promoted to major. Rauf Bey continued his duty as the commander of the Hamidiye Ship until the end of that year.16

Activities in the First World War

On January 8, 1914, Hüseyin Rauf Bey was appointed to the command of the Sultan Osman Battleship, which was under construction in England. As a result of the start of the First World War, England seized this ship and did not surrender it, although it had not yet joined the war. Rauf Bey describes this event in his memoirs as follows:

“I had been in London for three months as a Sultan Osman cavalryman. While it was first built on Armstrong benches on behalf of the Brazilian Government, it was purchased by our government upon the agreement of this government and Chile and Argentina not to build a navy. The crew of a thousand and my soldiers, who were going to take this dreadnought called 'Sultan Osman' and take it back to the country, came to England on the Reşit Pasha Ferry. Seven hundred thousand lira, the last installment of the ship, was also paid. The ship was to be delivered on 2 August. Half an hour before the ceremony of hoisting our banner, the British seized Sultan Osman.

After 'Sultan Osman', the British seized two torpedo destroyers with our Reşadiye Dreadnought, which were decided to be bought and negotiated by our government while they were being built there on behalf of the Chilean Government. We, too, were desperate to return to Istanbul on the Reşit Paşa Ferry.”17

When Rauf Bey came to Istanbul, partial mobilization was declared before the First World War, the Parliament was dissolved by the Sultan, and a war atmosphere was blowing in the country.

Rauf Bey, who visited Enver Pasha in his office at the Ministry of War, learned that he had been appointed as Turkey's Afghanistan representative. In addition, Rauf Bey was asked to take Germany's representative Fon Vas Muss with him. The main purpose of this mission was to raise the people of Afghanistan against the British.

Rauf Bey, who went to Aleppo with a military delegation, stayed here for a month. At this time, our entry into the First World War was heard. It was necessary to pass through Iran to Afghanistan. However, Iran's situation at that time was not suitable not only to cross over, but even to take a step. Rauf Bey, who dismissed Fon Vas Muss, decided to wait in Mendeli Town on the Turkish-Iranian border. He wrote a letter to Enver Pasha, referring to the Russians who dominate the north of Iran and the British who dominate the south, explaining the impossibility of crossing into Afghanistan. In response, Enver Pasha ordered that he "stay where he is and, as the Commander-in-Chief of Southern Iran, to expel the British from that region." Rauf Bey repulsed the Iranian Senjani Tribe, provoked by the British and Russian consuls in Kermanshah, with the attacks of the Turkish troops under his command. Then it lasted as far as Kırmanşah. Establishing his headquarters in Krind, he faced all kinds of dangers here for a year.18

Rauf Bey, who informed the center that it was impossible to cross into Afghanistan, went to Kirkuk with his soldiers. Meanwhile, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel (4.10.1915). He returned to Istanbul when he was appointed to the Chief of Naval Staff. Rauf Bey, who prevented the German Admiral Sason from taking the Ministry of the Navy into his administration unconditionally, although Sason threw various slanders, Enver Pasha silenced himself with the necessary answers19.

In 1917, Rauf Bey went to Germany to visit the German Emperor Wilhelm, together with the Navy Minister Cemal Pasha and Undersecretary Vâsıf Bey. On his return, he was promoted to colonel (gallion captain) on September 28, 1917. He remained in this position throughout the war as Chief of the Naval Staff. After the Russian Revolution of 1917, he attended the meeting held in Copenhagen as the Head of the Turkish Delegation. Later, he represented the Ottoman Empire as a Naval Forces delegate at the Brest-Litovsk Peace Conference. At the end of the war, with the resignation of the Talat Pasha Cabinet, he was appointed as the Minister of the Navy in the newly established Ahmet Izzet Pasha Cabinet, especially to investigate the terms of the armistice20. With this duty of supervision, Rauf Bey's military life ended and his political life began.

Political Life

Before the Armistice of Mudros, the fate of the Ottoman Empire was discussed at the residence of Grand Vizier Talat Pasha and a solution was sought. There was a great reaction against the Party of Union and Progress in the country. It was known that the new Sultan was against the Unionists. In the light of these truths, Talat Pasha, the unrivaled leader of the Union and Progress, explained his solution to his friends as follows.

“We will dissolve the Party of Union and Progress, our friends can continue their political lives under a new name. Under these conditions in the country, justice remains helpless and idle. Among friends, there may be those who left the country until the situation normalizes: But as the leader of the Union and Progress, I will stay and give an account of the progress of our power in detail. By giving my resignation conditionally to the Sultan, I will request that Hüseyin Rauf be given the position of Minister of the Navy to preside over our Internal Affairs, Finance and Fate Armistice Committee. We leave behind us people whose values ​​can be exploited, no matter what political movement is in power. You will see that these people will not be helpless, they will not be helpless, they will save the country by joining hands”.21

Talat Pasha, who said "I will stay", did not stay. The Union and Progress Party dissolved itself. Sultan Vahidettin accepted the conditions put forward by Talat Pasha for his resignation.22

Grand Vizier Ahmed İzzet Pasha instructed the Minister of the Navy, Rauf Bey, to search for armistice possibilities with the allies. With the help of General Townshend, he signed the Armistice of Mudros as the chief executive officer at the head of the Ottoman delegate.23

Chief Executive Officer

Date: October 30, 1918, from: Wednesday. Location: British Agamemnon Warship in the Port of Mudros on the Greek coast in the Aegean Sea, parties: Sir Arthur Galthrope, British Admiral, Commander-in-Chief of the Allied Forces Mediterranean, on behalf of the First World War Winners, Naval Minister Hüseyin Rauf Bey24 on behalf of the Ottoman Empire, and delegates from both sides.

The subject is the Ottoman Empire, which was defeated by its allies, and the signing of the agreement in case the victorious armistice terms are notified and accepted.25

Sixth Mehmed Vahideddin, who succeeded Mehmed the Fifth on July 3, 1918, gave his final instructions to Rauf Bey on the morning of October 29, 1918:

“You know the state of the country better than most. I give you absolute authority in the broadest sense. Do your best to sign the cessation of arms agreement with the least of the conditions, but absolutely. Do not waste time on correspondence and inquiries. Every hour that passes is to our detriment. If necessary, report the result to our Mabeyn-i Hümâyun by using the radios of the British.”

British Admiral Galthrope handed a twenty-five-point agreement text to Hüseyin Rauf Bey, just three hours after he sat down in front of him.

When he examined the text of the armistice extended to him, he faced the most distressing and humiliating moment of his entire military and political life. It could not have been a difficult and thought-provoking situation to sign this text on behalf of the nation and the state.

Rauf Bey asked for time to examine. The British admiral calmly listened to this dignified and reasonable statement of the Turkish sailor, whose honorable service history he knows very well. With the pride of being victorious and leaving Hamidiye Karaman in such despair, he replied:

“The stipulated conditions at our disposal will be fulfilled unconditionally: This is not a proposal, it is a decision…”

Reporting the situation to the Sultan and the Sublime Porte, Rauf Bey signed the truce when the answer was “yes”26. This truce, which overshadowed his political life, was ending the First World War with a complete defeat for the Ottoman Empire. He was leaving behind a country that had lost its freedom and integrity in all areas and had fallen into a semi-colonial state.

Rauf Bey describes the signing of the Armistice of Mudros as follows in his memoirs:

“Our allies had surrendered. Our armies, which were fighting in the advanced stages, were under the threat of minorities who chose the path of betrayal. We had no war material. The treasure was empty. Our enemies had concentrated their forces on us. We were obliged and condemned to sign the armistice as soon as possible in order to save the whole country from invasion. We would be able to save what we could save, and we would be able to base our independence on what was left in our hands.

Admiral Galthrope put the prepared text before us. A certain time was left for the signature. The delay of the time put forward for the preservation of shape was only in favor of our enemies. The allies, who did not trust each other, were careful and sensitive to get what was possible in their favor in the peace negotiations. For this reason, they were aiming to advance further by spending all their strength and especially to keep strategic points in their own hands. I was so devastated by the weight of the conditions that before I left Istanbul, I informed the Grand Vizier Izzet Pasha about the items by radio, although I agreed with the signing of the armistice as soon as possible and thus stopping the advance of the enemy forces. Although I realized the nature of the answer, I received a positive answer to the question I asked mostly for spiritual reasons.

Rauf Bey is the chief executive officer who signed the Armistice of Mudros, which overshadowed his political life. However, Rauf Bey had to struggle with the consequences of this truce, which he signed. No one thought of blaming him for the Armistice of Mudros. The Grand Vizier Ahmed İzzet Pasha, the moment of the signing, says: “Both the Central Government and the Executive Committee have resisted until the last moment, and when it came to the ultimatum level, an armistice could be concluded without breaking the ropes”28.

Participation in the War of Independence: Transition to Anatolia

Hüseyin Rauf Bey made the following statement to the newspapers on his return from Mondros to Istanbul:

“During the negotiations, the British acted very open-heartedly and sincerely. With this truce, the independence of our state and the law of our reign have been completely saved… Not a single enemy soldier will land in Istanbul, Adana will not be invaded”.29

Thirteen days after the signing of the Armistice of Mudros, the navy of the victorious states came to the port of Istanbul in ranks. This proud navy, which could not reach the Dardanelles, had now started to carry out its dominance by turning its cannons into a palace in the Capital of the Ottoman Empire, as if it had succeeded in what it tried.

This was a humiliating development for a universal state like the Ottoman Empire. The allied states' occupation of some parts of the country by violating the terms of the armistice caused Rauf Bey, who signed the armistice, to resign from his military service and all his duties30. After that, secret meetings of the commanders known as the "first five" of the War of Independence began. First, Kazım Karabekir Pasha meets with Cafer Tayyar Pasha, then they go to Ali Fuad Pasha together and they agree. Afterwards, they visit Grand Vizier Ahmed Izzet Pasha, Chief of Military Staff Cevat Pasha, and Naval Minister Huseyin Rauf from the cabinet. Ali Fuad Pasha says that Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who was placed under the command of the Ministry of War by staying away from the abolished Yıldırım Army Group and the 7th Army Command, arrived in Istanbul two days ago (13 November 1918). Together, they visit Mustafa Kemal Pasha and tell him their thoughts as well31. This meeting is the first meeting of the “top five” of the War of Independence. Just after this secret meeting, while Cafer Tayyar Pasha moved the headquarters of the 1st Corps to Edirne, our border city in the west, Kazım Karabekir Pasha, as the 15th Corps Commander, moved to Erzurum on April 3, 191932. Two days later, Ali Fuad Pasha went to Ankara as the Commander of the 20th Corps.

“Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the third of the First Five, set off for Samsun on Friday, May 16, 1919, assuring the task of doing something in Anatolia (9th Army Inspector)”33.

When Ahmed İzzet Pasha's cabinet resigned, Rauf Bey also left the Navy Ministry. Ali Fethi Bey (Okyar), who was the Minister of the Interior in the Cabinet, was among the arrested Unionists. Rauf Bey knew that the same fate was inevitable for him. Therefore, he went to Anatolia as agreed with Mustafa Kemal Pasha. First, he reviewed the situation in the Aegean Region.

Rauf Bey believed that for the defense of the homeland, it was necessary to make use of the people who have a great reputation in the country, the distinguished members of the Special Organization, for example those who returned to the homeland from the Iran-Afghan operation. Because he knew that the strength of the army against the Greek occupation of Western Anatolia, which was so close, would not be allowed. As a matter of fact, an experienced and brave commander like Nurettin Pasha was taken from the command of the 17th Corps, which was headquartered in Izmir34, and Ali Nadir Pasha was appointed to fulfill every order without hesitation. The resistance against the Greek occupation would only come from the citizens themselves. Therefore, he decided to assign the task to Circassian Ethem, who had an influence on the Circassians around Bandırma-Manyas and was in his retinue in the Iran-Afghan operation. He also had friends in Western Anatolia. Rauf Bey describes those days in his memoirs as follows:

“There was an obligation to dwell on the personalities one by one. It was not unknown that the Greek export to Izmir would be strong and sufficient to reach the interior of Anatolia in a very short time. Cafer Tayyar Pasha set up an outbreak in Edirne, Kazım Karabekir Pasha in Erzurum, and Ali Fuad Pasha in Ankara. Mustafa Kemal Pasha would soon pass to Anatolia. We decided to travel around the Western Anatolia region to Ankara, and from there to unite where he would be found, and I started my preparations”.35

The occupation of Izmir caused great repercussions in the Ottoman public opinion. On May 24, 1919, Rauf Bey and his entourage moved to Bandırma to join Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Starting from here, Rauf Bey came to Ankara on 8 June 1919 by way of Balıkesir, Salihli, Ödemiş, Aydın, Nazilli, Afyon road. They met with the 20th Corps Commander Ali Fuad Pasha (Cebesoy) in Ankara and went to Amasya to join Mustafa Kemal Pasha. On June 23, 1919, they signed the Amasya Circular with Mustafa Kemal Pasha, stating that “The independence of the nation will be saved by the determination and decision of the nation again”. They agreed with Kazım Karabekir Pasha, the 15th Corps Commander in Erzurum, Mersinli Cemal Pasha, the 2nd Army Commander in Konya, and Colonel Refet Bey, the 3rd Corps Commander in Sivas. The target was “Either Independence or Death”. Refet Bey (Bele) joins this trio, and they set out for Sivas. Mr. Refet, While staying in Sivas to make preparations for the Sivas Congress, Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey went to Erzurum36. While "the unity of the homeland, the independence of the nation" was accepted as the basic principle here, Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey were appointed as the chairman and vice chairman of the Representative Committee. From here, they came to Sivas to attend the congress together with the members of the Representative Committee. Sivas Congress was opened on 4 September 1919 with the speech of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Rauf Bey was first appointed as the congress vice president at the Sivas Congress. Later, upon the proposal of Kazım Karabekir Pasha, he was elected as a delegate to represent the Sivas Congress, in the Last Assembly of Parliament meeting.37 Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey were appointed as the chairman and vice chairman of the Representative Committee. From here, they came to Sivas to attend the congress together with the members of the Representative Committee. Sivas Congress was opened on 4 September 1919 with the speech of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Rauf Bey was first appointed as the congress vice president at the Sivas Congress. Later, upon the proposal of Kazım Karabekir Pasha, he was elected as a delegate to represent the Sivas Congress, in the Last Assembly of Parliament meeting.37 Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey were appointed as the chairman and vice chairman of the Representative Committee. From here, they came to Sivas to attend the congress together with the members of the Representative Committee. Sivas Congress was opened on 4 September 1919 with the speech of Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Rauf Bey was first appointed as the congress vice president at the Sivas Congress. Later, upon the proposal of Kazım Karabekir Pasha, he was elected as a delegate to represent the Sivas Congress, in the Last Assembly of Parliament meeting.37

Deportation to Malta

In his memoirs, Rauf Bey records that the British will arrest themselves by raiding the Parliament, and that he had the same conversation with Kazım Karabekir, but he forced England and his allies to do so and decided to sacrifice himself for the start of a new phase38. On this date, Cabinets in Istanbul followed each other, while the cabinet of Damat Ferit Pasha fell, Ali Rıza Pasha, followed by Salih Pasha, and later Damat Ferit Pasha came to power. In this process, Erzurum and Sivas Congresses were held and the Representative Committee was established. The Representative Committee wants the Parliament to convene as soon as possible and to determine the national destiny.39

Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the majority of the members of the Representative Committee had opposed the assembly of the Assembly in occupied Istanbul from the very beginning.40

Kazım Karabekir Pasha opposed those who claimed that despite the insistence of the Istanbul Government at the meeting in Sivas, that the Parliament could not find a job there, and therefore it should be gathered in Anatolia and preferably in Eskişehir.

“... For the successful establishment of the national government, it is imperative that the Assembly first convene in Istanbul. This council has no life and no future. The Allied Powers will not change their decision about us just because the Assembly has convened. On the contrary, especially the British, who will count the deputies from the National Forces, will capture and expel them at the first opportunity. That is the day when the National Government can be established in the best way. Our National Government will rise like the sun in the heart of Anatolia”.41

After Kazım Karabekir Pasha's speech was over, Rauf Bey said:

- So, if the British raid the Deputies in Istanbul and deport the Deputies with detention, you will be able to make a final decision on the establishment of the National Government and easily succeed? asked.

Upon Karabekir Pasha's positive response, Rauf Bey said:

“In case the British do not do this, I accept the danger in order to make this job real. Karabekir Pasha said excitedly:

He hugged Rauf Bey's neck with great sincerity, saying, "I'll kiss your high forehead once again," and said the following words:

“We know by examples that he will not hesitate to act as a national hero. You go, but do not rush. There is no doubt that the British will do this on their own. The news that we will receive at that time 'Rauf was also imprisoned, exiled from Istanbul' will inflict wounds on my soul. But you, with the enthusiasm and love of patriotism, become an important factor in the birth of the National Government. Yes, you are enough to succeed in this job... Go to Istanbul, other friends and especially Mustafa Kemal Pasha must stay here”.42

Kazım Karabekir Pasha's opinion was found reasonable. The meeting of the Assembly in Istanbul was accepted unanimously. Rauf Bey was elected as the Deputy of Sivas to the Parliament. He went to Istanbul via Ankara with Hüseyin Gerede. The “Felâh-ı Vatan” group was founded under the chairmanship of Rauf Bey in the Majlis-i Mebâsan, which convened in Istanbul43. Finally, Parliament accepted the National Pact on January 28, 1920 and fulfilled its historical duty to determine the destiny of the homeland.

Rauf Bey received news that the British would raid the Parliament and arrest the deputies. He informed Mustafa Kemal Pasha: “They are about to withhold the Kuvvây-ı Milliye ruesa in Istanbul, or they are about to raid the Parliament and make some arrests” and said:

“Of course, in both cases, there will be no way to go from here, and the duty of honor will be fulfilled until the end of the job.”44

Rauf Bey's expression was clear; Even though the invaders wanted to raid the Parliament and arrest themselves, in order to expose the British aggression to the Turkish Nation and the world public opinion, to clear the way for the National Assembly, in this raid and detention event, they did not continue until the end of the job, as it was decided in Sivas months ago. they would wait.

As soon as Mustafa Kemal Pasha received this telegram, he sent the following telegram to Rauf Bey at the same moment. After saying, "It is very bright that the assembly will continue to do its duty with courage until the end, against the clamor of the opposition to the British decision to withhold it..." he wanted them to come immediately45. However, Rauf Bey said to himself: “No, Pasha... I cannot do this, I cannot escape. You also know that I did not come here to escape, I have to do my duty of honor to the end…” he records in his memoirs.

“…In the last telegram I wrote to Mustafa Kemal Pasha, I reminded our joint decision in Sivas and stated my final decision, 'We will stay here and pay our homeland debt'”.

Rauf Bey says again;

“If I had escaped, another impediment would have manifested itself, causing spiritual collapse, and the deputies would have dispersed. The British were also against the world, that's how they are, they have no concerns other than their own people, they only think about themselves," they would try to influence the public opinion with propaganda.

As a matter of fact, the situation that arose as a result of the parliament being pressed and I was exiled to Malta with the arrest gave the desired result. Thus, from that day on, it was possible to establish the National Assembly and the government in Anatolia under very favorable conditions46.

The British, following the decision they made with their allies, occupied Istanbul on March 16, 1920, and raided the Parliament, arresting Rauf Bey and Kara Vasıf Bey, and exiling him to Malta47. Rauf Bey's exile in Malta lasted twenty months. According to the exchange agreement signed between Bekir Sami Bey and O. Vansittart on March 16, 1921, Rauf Bey, who was imprisoned in Malta with the registration number 2776, was exchanged with Major Rawlinson in Inebolu. He came to Ankara on 13 November 1921 and joined the Turkish Grand National Assembly as a Sivas Deputy.48

At the first meeting attended by Prime Minister Rauf Bey in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, Çankırı Deputy Hacı Tevfik Efendi said:

“Sir, the whole world knows our Rauf as we do. (As stated in a verse), He knows it at night, knows it during the day, knows the horse, knows the paper, knows the gun, and knows the pen49. Rauf Bey made a speech in the style of "Every day when the nation demanded sacrifice, he presented the right amount of sacrifice and was always at the forefront of sacrifice"50. This speech affected Rauf Bey so much that he made him forget all the pains of his exile in Malta51. Although he was elected to the Nafia (=Public Works) Ministry, which was vacant at that time, with only 84 votes from 167 deputies on 17 November 1921, Rauf Bey resigned because he could not be elected with a quorum. Rauf Bey, who became ill in the first days of his arrival in Ankara, was re-elected to the Ministry of Public Works and the Deputy Chairman of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on 21 November 1921 with the majority of votes, and remained in these positions until 14 January 192253. According to Atatürk, During this period, Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group and acted with the Second Group54. Realizing the weight of Rauf Bey in the National Assembly, Ali Fethi (Okyar) told Mustafa Kemal Pasha; “Let Fevzi Pasha withdraw from the Executive Committee, and Rauf Bey be the Prime Minister. He has the love and trust of the Assembly to the extent that he has prudence and value. Then you will work very comfortably and only be busy with your military affairs.” He offered. After Atatürk thought for a while: “Right! He put this idea into practice, saying that this would be the most appropriate measure”55. He has the love and trust of the Assembly to the extent that he has prudence and value. Then you will work very comfortably and only be busy with your military affairs.” He offered. After Atatürk thought for a while: “Right! He put this idea into practice, saying that this would be the most appropriate measure”55. He has the love and trust of the Assembly to the extent that he has prudence and value. Then you will work very comfortably and only be busy with your military affairs.” He offered. After Atatürk thought for a while: “Right! He put this idea into practice, saying that this would be the most appropriate measure”55.

According to the new election law adopted, the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister Fevzi Pasha resigned. The elections were renewed after the adoption of the Law No. 244 on July 8, 1922 on the "Law on the Execution of the Proceedings". In the first meeting of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, held on 11 July 1922, Rauf Bey was inclined to establish a new government. Rauf Bey did not want to accept this task at first, but upon the proposal of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, he took on the task of establishing the government. In the session of the Turkish Grand National Assembly held on 13 July 1922, he was elected as the Chairman of the Executive Deputies by receiving the votes of 197 out of 204 deputies56. He remained in this post until 4 August 1923”57. As Ali Fethi Bey predicted, four days after Rauf Bey was elected Prime Minister, the National Pact was accepted in the Parliament without touching it. Mustafa Kemal Pasha's Commander-in-Chief,

The Great Offensive, which started on 26 August 1922, ended in complete victory. Prime Minister Rauf Bey informed the Grand National Assembly of the victory and also made the following statement to the press:

“The battle has started on the Western Front as of this morning. Our heroic armies are fighting the murderous and self-defeating enemy on a complete front, based on the tawfiqat-i Subhaniyeh, in order to fulfill the lofty duty, which consists of saving the honor and independence of the homeland. The event was presented to the Grand National Assembly this morning, and the General Assembly of the Assembly, inspired by the ambitions of the nation, prayed to the Almighty for the victory of our armies. Since the beginning of the national death, the happy days destined for the attainment of final victory, I hope, have come closer”.59

The Great Offensive ended in victory on September 9, 1922. Rauf Bey, who set off from Ankara to Izmir to meet with Mustafa Kemal Pasha on September 19, 1922, congratulated him on September 29, 1922 in Izmir, while hugging Mustafa Kemal Pasha with enthusiasm, saying "Happy Gazan, my Pasha". With the same sincerity and enthusiasm, he embraced Hüseyin Rauf Bey and said, “My brother Rauf, do not forget that we are partners in the work we have completed. Haven't we tried to come to this day for a long time, enduring every adversity, but without falling into despair? If there is a gas, we are partners in it. Blessed be you too”60.

The invitation of the Istanbul Government to the peace talks in Lausanne after the Mudanya Armistice (11 October 1922) prepared the end of the Sultanate. With the joint proposal of Mustafa Kemal Pasha, Rauf Bey, Kazım Karabekir Pasha and Ali Fuad Pasha and eighty deputies in order to eliminate the duality that may occur in the Ankara government, the Ottoman Sultanate was abolished on November 1, 1922, with the decision that “the sovereignty belongs to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey”. After Sultan Vahideddin left the country on November 17, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey elected Abdülmecid Efendi as the caliph with the decision that “the caliphate belongs to the Dynasty of Osman”.61

Hüseyin Rauf Bey relates the election of Abdülmecid Efendi as the caliph as follows: “We agreed with Mustafa Kemal Pasha about the election of a caliph to replace Vahideddin. If we wanted, we could have abolished the treacherous sultanate and the caliphate together. Mustafa Kemâl Pasha said: 'Makâm-ı mu'alayi Caliphate is a sacred rank that permeates the entire Islamic world. The duty of the state and people of Turkey at this point is to support this authority until the other world of Islam comes to the same day. It is to keep his strength, power and honor innocent in the eyes of the entire Islamic world and in the eyes of non-Islam, with all his might.”62

After the state of the sultanate and the election of the new caliph, it was time for the election of the executive committee to represent Turkey in Lausanne. Before the conference, the names of three people who would represent Turkey as the Chairman of the Executive Committee were mentioned. These were Prime Minister Hüseyin Rauf Bey, who signed the Armistice of Mudros, Minister of National Defense İsmet Pasha, who signed the Armistice of Mudanya, and Yusuf Kemal Bey, Minister of Foreign Affairs. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, after talking to Rauf Bey, preferred Ismet Pasha63. İsmet Pasha, who was appointed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs upon the resignation of Yusuf Kemal Bey, was appointed as the Chairman of the Executive Committee with the proposal of Rauf Bey64. In the absence of İsmet Pasha, there were some disagreements between the Prime Minister Rauf Bey and İsmet Pasha, who also deputized for the Ministries of Foreign Affairs and National Defense65. Mr. Rauf, On the grounds that İsmet Pasha deviated from the government's decisions in the Lausanne negotiations (for example, the compensation demanded for the destruction caused by Greece in Western Anatolia, the fact that the British kept Karaağaç, the station of Edirne, west of the Meriç, in return for the cost of the warships they usurped)66 At the end of the negotiations, he did not send the instruction (authorization) to sign the treaty. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, as the Speaker of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, gave the authority in question to İsmet Pasha, who was in a difficult situation at that time67. The fact that the prime minister did not send a congratulatory message to Lausanne on the same day broke relations. Rauf Bey wanted to go on a country tour in order not to meet İsmet Pasha upon his return to Ankara, and Gazi Pasha gave this permission on the condition that he resign from his duty as prime minister. Rauf Bey resigned from the prime ministry on 13 August 1923.

Rauf Bey describes this resignation as follows: “In the days when the Lausanne negotiations continued, there were some problems due to the telegrams that İsmet Pasha wrote from Lausanne and the situation he received. No matter what happens, I can never come face to face with İsmet Pasha again and I can no longer work with him. In fact, I think it would be right to leave the task of enforcing it to him, just as he had signed the peace agreement”.68

His Life After Being Prime Minister

After resigning from his duty as prime minister, Hüseyin Rauf Bey left Ankara and went to Sivas, the constituency district, and then to İzmir to see his mother. From there he went to Istanbul. In the Second Term, he was elected to the Istanbul Parliament. In the interview he gave to Tevhid-i Efkar and Vatan newspapers published in Istanbul on 29 October 1923, after the proclamation of the Republic69; “It was demanded in the proclamation of the Republic. Those who caused this move are ill-responsible individuals. It is necessary to understand the inner side of this style of movement. The Assembly should be able to preserve the sovereignty of the nation. It is not known where we will reach if there is no voice to be directed and administered for unknown purposes. What was the reason that made the proclamation of the republic necessary? the true nature of the republic, His statement that he did not find the proclamation of the Republic appropriate yet with his statements such as "It should be proved that it is useless and necessary for us"70 aroused indignation in the administration of the People's Party. Because of this interview, Hüseyin Rauf Bey was subjected to severe criticism at the People's Party meeting (25.11.1923)71. After this interrogation, although Rauf Bey remained in the People's Party for another year, he started to follow an independent policy72. At the end of this process, serious polemics were experienced between the People's Party and the Opposition Group in a no-confidence negotiation held in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. While the dissidents criticized the People's Party's understanding of power, the opposition responded with the terms "reigning", "caliph" and "reactionary"73. For example, Recep Peker, who took the floor after Rauf Bey on 7-8 November 1924, said, “Honourable friends, ...I paid attention... they made other definitions, but they could not pronounce the word republic…”. Rauf Bey replied; “Now, the masters were still doubting whether Rauf was a republican or not… But every time you doubt, every time you hesitate, am I obliged to take my oath and bowl again?... Sirs, in the sect negotiation that lasted for eight hours last year, …I said that I am a republican in the full sense of the word…”74. At the advanced stage of the discussion:

“There is no other form of government other than the republic, and I would like to make one more point for this: Maybe some of you will. Let me tell. 'Rauf is a caliph'. Lords! Not caliphs and sultans, I am against any authority that has the aptitude to take the law of this office...”75

These discussions brought about serious resignations from the People's Party. One day after the no-confidence negotiations, that is, on November 9, 1924, 11 deputies who voted of no confidence in the government resigned76, and on November 17, 1924, Kazım Karabekir Pasha's General Ministry, Dr. Under the Presidency of Adnan Adıvar and Rauf Bey, and with the participation of 50 deputies, the Progressive Republican Party was established.77

Atatürk sees the founding of the Progressive Republican Party as the revelation of the secret opposition that Rauf Bey has led since his arrival in Ankara after his Malta exile, and describes the power and opposition in this process as follows:

“Sirs, we went through a period of transition, as the sentence is known, in order to be able to pass from the reign to the republican era. In this period, two ideas and ijtihad constantly fought each other. One of those ideas was the continuation of the reign. The supporters of this idea were unequivocal. The other idea was to establish a republic by addressing the sultanate administration. It was our idea.”78

The day after the establishment of the Progressive Republican Party and the opposition took its place in the Grand National Assembly for the first time, İsmet Pasha's cabinet resigned. President Mustafa Kemal Pasha gave the task of forming the new cabinet to Ali Fethi Bey (Okyar79). On November 24, 1924, while the Mosul Issue was creating a general excitement in Turkey, the Sheikh Said Rebellion broke out and began to expand. The Progressive Republican Party was born and had to live in this political climate. After suppressing the Sheikh Said Rebellion, the government closed the Progressive Republican Party on the grounds that it “fostered reaction”80. After that, Rauf Bey, like other opposition deputies, remained independent.81

Rauf Bey, who was disturbed by tropical malaria for a while after he became independent, took 45 days off from the Presidency of the Assembly on May 2, 1926 and went to Austria to be treated in the Bad-Gaschtein spas. After his treatment was over, he went to London to visit Doctor Adnan Bey (Adıvar) and his wife Halide Edip Hanım, who were in England at that time. While Rauf Bey was in London, the attempt to assassinate Mustafa Kemal Pasha was uncovered. The İzmir Independence Court, chaired by Ali Çetinkaya, found Rauf Bey related to the assassination attempt and prosecuted him in absentia, with its decision dated 26 August 1926 and numbered 111/69, and sentenced him to be Kalebent for ten years, to be deprived of civil rights and to confiscate his properties. This decision was communicated to Rauf Bey through the London Embassy. The court decision was read in the Turkish Grand National Assembly on 3 November 1926, Rauf Bey's parliamentary term was terminated82. Rauf Bey certainly did not accept the crimes and the verdict in the Izmir Assassination, but he did not return home because he did not have the ability to appeal.83

Hüseyin Rauf Bey spent his days abroad in England, India, China and Egypt. Through his friends in London, he first went to India. He traveled all over India from Bombay, Beopal to Khyber with the help of his doctor friends, who were among the Indian Sanitary team who came here for help during the Balkan wars. He gave lectures on the Turkish Revolution to Indian intellectuals at universities in Delhi and other major cities. After returning to London from India, he also went on a trip to China. He returned to London after traveling around Shanghai, Beijing and Nanjing. Returning from his Chinese trip, he did not stay long in London, and went to Egypt upon the insistent invitation of the Egyptian Prince Tosun Pasha and his sons, who had been in Istanbul during the First World War. He stayed in a boarding house in Heliopolis, near Cairo, until he returned home.84

Although Rauf Bey was finally accepted on the occasion of the "10th Anniversary of the Republic" and was pardoned with the 8th article of the law numbered 2330, dated 26 October 1933, while staying in the aforementioned hostel in Egypt, returning to his homeland was punishable by his friends and relatives who insisted on returning to their homeland. He stated that his participation would mean acceptance and that he would never return because he did not accept it. However, upon the death of Aziz Bey, who was the eldest of the family at that time, his sister went to Egypt to Rauf Bey and persuaded him to return to his homeland. After the abolition of the provision with the amnesty law of October 26, 1933, he returned to his homeland on July 5, 1935. With the decision of the Council of Ministers dated 3 December 1935, he was granted a pension.

The Republican People's Party General Presidency Council nominated him with a declaration dated 22 October 1939 for a parliamentary position that was open in the VIth Term of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. In this declaration, it was emphasized that he had nothing to do with the assassination.85 As a result, he was elected as Kastamonu Deputy and started his legislative duty by attending the TGNA meeting in the session dated 8 November 1939, but did not join the CHP. In the most critical period of the Second World War, he was appointed as the London Ambassador on 17 February 1942 and withdrew from the parliament, as the government found it more appropriate to represent Turkey. He served as the London Embassy until 9 March 1944. He resigned from this position in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the grounds that “the things are carried out by people who favor this and that”86 and returned to the country. Although the government offered him the Washington Embassy, He did not accept a new public office. He spent his next life away from politics, giving lectures and conferences at universities, going on trips. Finally, he died of a heart attack at 13.20 on Thursday, July 16, 1964, at his home in Cihangir, Istanbul87. Rauf Bey, who was never married88, had three sisters named Safiye, Hamide and İffet besides his older brother Hasan Murat. His corpse was removed after the funeral prayer held after the noon prayer in Teşvikiye Mosque on July 18, 1964, and was taken to Harbiye with a great military ceremony. Finally, he died of a heart attack at 13.20 on Thursday, July 16, 1964, at his home in Cihangir, Istanbul87. Rauf Bey, who was never married88, had three sisters named Safiye, Hamide and İffet besides his older brother Hasan Murat. His corpse was removed after the funeral prayer held after the noon prayer in Teşvikiye Mosque on July 18, 1964, and was taken to Harbiye with a great military ceremony. Finally, he died of a heart attack at 13.20 on Thursday, July 16, 1964, at his home in Cihangir, Istanbul87. Rauf Bey, who was never married88, had three sisters named Safiye, Hamide and İffet besides his older brother Hasan Murat. His corpse was removed after the funeral prayer held after the noon prayer in Teşvikiye Mosque on July 18, 1964, and was taken to Harbiye with a great military ceremony.

Conclusion

Born and raised in the last half century of the Ottoman Empire and influenced by the political currents of this period, Hüseyin Rauf Orbay joined the Union and Progress Party when he was still a military student, and in time he rose to among the top executives of this party. Rauf Bey witnessed the collapse of the Empire and was among those who struggled to save it. According to him, the National Struggle could not have been won without Mustafa Kemal Pasha. He expresses this view as follows:

“- If there was no Mustafa Kemal Pasha, could the National Struggle have been fought? If it's up to me, no! -If there had been no Kazım Karabekir Pasha... -If there had been no Rauf Orbay, could the National Struggle have been fought? If it's up to me, no!” But without Refet Pasha, without Ismet Pasha, or even without Ali Fuad Pasha - if it were up to me - the National Struggle could still have been achieved, they could have been replaced by other valuable soldiers!”.90

In fact, Mustafa Kemal Pasha had started the National Struggle by relying on Kazım Karabekir Pasha, Ali Fuad Pasha and Refet Bey in terms of military and Hüseyin Rauf Bey in terms of politics. The fact that these valuable soldiers and statesmen remained in opposition after the National Struggle can be seen as a great loss.

Cemal Bey (Pasha) introduced Rauf Bey and Mustafa Kemal Bey (Pasha) when the Movement Army came to Istanbul in order to suppress the 31 March Incident91. Atatürk praised the naval officer Rauf Bey, whom he had just met, to his other friends92. After that, the friendship of the two friends continued. Until the War of Independence, Rauf Bey rose to the rank of colonel and the Minister of the Navy with his military services, and Mustafa Kemal Pasha rose to the command of the 7th Army and Yıldırım Armies Group as a general. When they crossed into Anatolia, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the 9th Army Inspector and Rauf Bey was the former Minister of the Navy. They signed the Amasya Circular together. Mustafa Kemal Pasha was the Chairman of the Erzurum, Sivas Congresses and the Representative Committee, and Rauf Bey was the Deputy Chairman. Mustafa Kemal Pasha, he was now the unrivaled leader of the National Struggle and the Turkish Nation that rebelled against captivity. Rauf Bey made his first disobedience to the Leader by not following the Leader's order to "come to Ankara immediately" when it became clear that the Parliament would be raided by the British. There was no doubt that the Leader had noted this down. When Rauf Bey came to Ankara after his liberation from the Maltese captivity, politically based groups were formed in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The leader was the head of the Defense of Rights Group. Although Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group, he continued his relationship with the Second Group. This attitude of Rauf Bey did not go unnoticed by the Leader. To use his influence over the Second Group, the leader appointed him prime minister. Their relationship lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. When the possibility of the Turkish Parliament to be printed by the British was understood, he did not obey the Leader's order to "come to Ankara immediately". There was no doubt that the Leader had noted this down. When Rauf Bey came to Ankara after his liberation from the Maltese captivity, politically based groups were formed in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The leader was the head of the Defense of Rights Group. Although Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group, he continued his relationship with the Second Group. This attitude of Rauf Bey did not go unnoticed by the Leader. To use his influence over the Second Group, the leader appointed him prime minister. Their relationship lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. When the possibility of the Turkish Parliament to be printed by the British was understood, he did not obey the Leader's order to "come to Ankara immediately". There was no doubt that the Leader had noted this down. When Rauf Bey came to Ankara after his liberation from the Maltese captivity, politically based groups were formed in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. The leader was the head of the Defense of Rights Group. Although Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group, he continued his relationship with the Second Group. This attitude of Rauf Bey did not go unnoticed by the Leader. To use his influence over the Second Group, the leader appointed him prime minister. Their relationship lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. When he came to Ankara after his liberation from the Maltese captivity, politically based groups had formed in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The leader was the head of the Defense of Rights Group. Although Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group, he continued his relationship with the Second Group. This attitude of Rauf Bey did not go unnoticed by the Leader. To use his influence over the Second Group, the leader appointed him prime minister. Their relationship lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. When he came to Ankara after his liberation from the Maltese captivity, politically based groups had formed in the Turkish Grand National Assembly. The leader was the head of the Defense of Rights Group. Although Rauf Bey remained in the Defense of Rights Group, he continued his relationship with the Second Group. This attitude of Rauf Bey did not go unnoticed by the Leader. To use his influence over the Second Group, the leader appointed him prime minister. Their relationship lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. It lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition. It lasted until Rauf Bey resigned as prime minister. Later, Rauf Bey turned to the opposition.

According to İsmet İnönü, there were two main reasons for the conflict between Rauf Bey and Atatürk. The first is Atatürk's reforms. The second is that Rauf Bey, as a person who has been at the forefront, wants the work done to be negotiated with him.93

Mustafa Kemal Pasha is a republican and revolutionary leader, taking Turkey step by step towards a modern and secular system. Rauf Bey, on the other hand, is a "conservative" politician, according to today's political literature. Although he is not against the republic, he defends parliamentary democracy94 and thinks that this system can go with sultanate and caliphate95. In the end, the two great names of the National Struggle took part in separate political structures and their relations were broken. This break lasted until Rauf Bey returned home in 1935. Atatürk first sent Rauf Bey's sister, İffet Hanım, to meet with Rauf Bey. When Rauf Bey refused his brother saying "don't get involved in such matters", Atatürk sent Ali Fuad Pasha, a "friend of forty years". Thereupon, the three friends came together and commemorated the old days.

Hüseyin Rauf Bey explains his thoughts very clearly on sensitive issues such as religion, religion-politics relationship, caliphate, sultanate and sub-identity support under the Turkish identity as follows:

“I am religious, but I am not without ideas and conscience, who use neither myself nor my religion for politics. Whatever I have done in life in the name of renunciation, direction, service (my selfless work in the military) and goodness ... I owe my religious upbringing. I am not a caliphate propagandist... The sultans used this notion... for their own reign. The President of the Republic is appointed by the election of the people, there is no possibility of hereditary leadership. As an minded and knowledgeable religious person, I have to take a negative position against the propaganda of the caliphate, according to them. I have nothing to do with Kurdishness; in terms of my mother. But in my entire life, I have never participated in any Kurdish political movement, nor have I joined the societies that pursue the cause of Kurdishness. Because I have lived as an officer all my life. I am the servant of all the races living in this country, of the unshakable unity that is united under one flag. In favor of some of this community, I am of the opinion that it is absolutely not right to have feelings and opinions against the other part. I had entered the army, swearing that I would always be loyal to this joint nation and this common homeland, and always with all my being. I cannot think otherwise”.96

1. Atatürk wrote this note on the back of the commemorative painting he gave to Rauf Bey in İzmir after the Great Offensive. See. Sabahaddin Selek, National Struggle, I, Light Printing House, Istanbul 1982, p. 666, Addendum: 33

2. Feridun Kandemir, Memories and What He Couldn't Say, Rauf Orbay, Sinan Printing House, Istanbul 1965, 208 p. These memories were later published in two volumes under the name of Rauf Orbay, Hell Değirmeni -Political Memories- (I-II, İstanbul 1993, Eko Ofset, Emre Publishing), and then in a single titled Political Memories (İstanbul 2003: Yaylacıcık Printing Press). Republished in volume.

3. Erberk Inam, Rauf Bey, Istanbul 1965; Kazım Çavdar, On the occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the Republic, Atatürk's Brothers in Arms, İzmir 1973, 156 p.; Cemal Kutay, From the Ottoman Empire to the Republic, A Human Being in Our Century Hüseyin Rauf Orbay, c. V, Istanbul 1992; Süleyman Ataseven, Rauf Orbay, Biography, İzmir 1997, Dokuz Eylül University, Master's Thesis (Unpublished).

4. Rauf Bey gave his birth year as 1881 in the questionnaire requested for the book "Who is who". See. F. Kandemir, supra, p. 14

5. Mehmet Muzaffer Pasha was one of the commanders of the Ottoman Naval Forces. He served in the Bahriye Council until the proclamation of the Constitutional Monarchy. Later, he served as the Chief of the Naval Court of Appeals and the Member of the Ayan. See. E. Inam, supra, p. 4.

6. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 190; On being of "Circassian origin", see. S. Selek, supra, I, p. 667.

7. History of the Turkish Parliament, the National Struggle and the First Term of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (1919-1923), c. III, TBMM Foundation Publications, No: 6, p. 880-81.

8. E. İnam, age, s. 6

9. Ali Fuad Cebesoy, My Classmate Atatürk, Anka Ofset, Istanbul (undated), p. 167.

10. Kazım Karabekir, Committee of Union and Progress (1896-1909), Istanbul 1982, p. 434-41.

11. İsmet Fingersizoğlu “Hüseyin Rauf Orbay”, Turkish Encyclopedia., c. 25, Istanbul 1977. p. 458.

12. History of the Turkish Parliament, p. 880

13. İsmet Bey (İnönü) states that he met the Hamidiye Cruiser in Beirut Port on his way back after meeting with Imam Yahya, the ruler of Yemen, and says, “It was really a pleasure to meet with Commander Rauf Bey.” İsmet İnönü, Memories, I, (Edited by Sabahattin Selek), Istanbul 1985, p. 78

14. E. İnam, age, p. 118.

15. R. Orbay, a.g.e.,I, s. 28.

16. History of the Turkish Parliament, p. 880-81; E. Inam, supra, p. 65; Fethi Okyar describes the Hamidiye Operation as "the only exceptional success experienced in the Balkan wars". See. A Man in Three Ages (Pub. Jun. Cemal Kutay), Dilek Printing House, Istanbul 1980: p. 189.

17. E. İnam, age, p. 65-67.

18. Rauf Bey, it was proposed that the officers in the "Delegation of Expedition" be placed under the command of the Iranians to form the core of the Iranian army. See. Archive of the General Staff Military History Strategic Studies Department (ATASE), 195, File: 250/825, Index: 13, 15; For the Detachment here, see İsrafil Kurtcephe- Mustafa Balcıoğlu, “Rauf Bey Detachment”, OTAM., Issue: 3, (Ankara 1992), p. 247-69.

19. E. İnam, age, p. 69.

20. History of the Turkish Parliament, p. 881; Fingerlessoglu, ibid, p. 458.

21. Cemal Kutay, “The Real Pioneers of the National Struggle and Those Following”, Journal of Turkish World History, Issue: 3, Istanbul, March 1987, p. 21. 22. Kutay, agm, p. 21

23. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 58-64

24. Ottoman Delegation; It consisted of Rauf Bey, Reşad Hikmet, Lieutenant Colonel Sadullah and Secretary Ali Fuad (Tükgeldi). For discussions on the selection of the delegation, see Ali Fuad Türkgeldi, What I See and Hear, Ankara 1951, TTK Press, p. 151: Turkish War of Independence, c. I, General Staff War History Publication, p. 31-32.

25. Cemal Kutay, The Spiritual Army of the War of Independence, Istanbul 1977, p. 15.

26. Kutay, supra, p. 19-21

27. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 89-146.

28. S. Selek, supra, I, p. 667, Appendix: 33.

29. New Day, November 2, 1918; Selahaddin Tansel, From Mondros to Mudanya, I, National Education Press, Ankara 1977, p. 26.

30. İsmet İnönü states that “When we met with Rauf Bey during the days of the armistice, he was hurt by the violation of the terms of the armistice”. I. İnönü, Aegean, I, p. 169.

31. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 227-31.

32. According to Kazım Karabekir Pasha, the plan, program and password of the War of Independence were decided in Istanbul. See. The Principles of Our War of Independence, (Pub. Jun.: Faruk Özerengin) Istanbul 1991, p. 26-27.

33. C. Kutay, agm, p. 32; See also "Top Five". F. Okyar, ibid, p. 339.

34. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 237.

35. C. Kutay, agm, p. 30.

At this time, the 36th Government issued a decision to arrest Mustafa Kemal Pasha and Rauf Bey. See. BOA, BED, Internal Medicine, Outgoing, nu: 343763.

37. A Fuad Cebesoy, Memories of the National Struggle, Istanbul 1953, p. 276; E. Inam, supra, p. 74.

38. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 289

39. Cemal Kutay, Maltese Exiles, Istanbul 1978, p. 196.

40. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 285-88.

41. K. Karabekir, The Principles of Our War of Independence, p. 363.

42. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 290

43. Celaleddin Arif Bey, H. Rauf Bey, Vasıf Bey, Hamid Bey, Bekir Sami Bey, Selahaddin Bahtiyar Bey, Rauf Ahmet Bey, Abdullah Azmi Bey were elected to the General Administrative Board of the Felâh-ı Vatan Group. See. A. Fuad Cebesoy, Memories of the National Struggle, p. 305; R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 30.

44. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 29.

45. Atatürk recalled Rauf Bey as “…it was important to find people capable of forming and managing a government.” explains as. See. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Speech, I, p. 409, Document: 254

46. ​​R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 30

47. ATASE, Kl. 111, D. 199-399, F. 10-12; Bilal Şimşir, Maltese Exiles, Ankara 1985, p. 173-75; R. Orbay, supra, II, 38-40.

48. Fingerlessoglu, agm, p. 459

49. For the full text, see Parliamentary Minutes, c. XIV, (31 Teşrînievvel 1337), p. 220.

50. R.Orbay, supra, II, p. 63.

51. Same work and page.

52. Memorandum of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. XIV, p. 286; Atatürk states that this resignation is due to Rauf Bey's tendency to act with the opposition in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. See. Nutuk, II, p. 634.

53. Fingerlessoglu, agm, p. 459.

54. Atatürk said, “Kara Vasıf Bey and Rauf Bey have been uniting and leading from the very first day in the establishment, strengthening and management of the opposing group. But Rauf Bey prefers to stay inside us by not going to the Second Group openly. This situation lasted for three years. In the end, Rauf Bey explains - in his own words - as “when he could no longer seem to be together with us, he had to reveal his separation”. See. Nutuk, II, p. 664; See also Ahmet Demirel, Opposition in the First Assembly, -Second Group, Istanbul 1995, İletişim Publications, p. 379.

55. F. Okyar, supra, p. 298-99.

56. The Minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. XXI, p. 357-59; Hakimiyet-i Milliye, Issue: 557, Date 14 July 1922, Friday; E. Inam, supra, p. 76.

57. For a broad assessment, see Nutuk, II, p. 664.

58. F. Okyar, supra, p. 298-99.

59. Secret Session Minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. III, (27 February 1338/1923), İşbank Publications, p. 711.

60. F. Kandemir, supra, p. 74.

61. Parliament Secret Session Minutes, c. III, p. 1042-46; Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit I, c. XXIV, p. 314-15; 39, 562-65; R. Orbay, supra, p. 106-110.

62. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 106-15; See Mustafa Kemal Pasha's speech in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Secret Session Minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. III, Isbank Publications, p. 1051; In Atatürk's Nutuk, he relates his conversations with Rauf Bey on the Caliphate and Sultanate as follows: “I asked Rauf Bey what his views and opinions were about the sultanate and the caliphate. In his reply, he said, 'I am grateful to the rank of sultanate and the caliphate, conscientiously and feeling. Because my father was brought up with the blessing of the Sultan. ..I also have that blessing in my blood.. It is my duty of loyalty to the Sultan. My admiration for the Caliph is due to my education. This can only be ensured by an office that is accustomed to being seen so high that it is not accessible to everyone. It is the sultanate and the caliphate'” (Nutuk, II, p. 684). Atatürk, then, separating the sultanate from the caliphate, He also states that he asked Rauf Bey to speak in favor on the day they would abolish the sultanate, and that Rauf Bey also "declared the proposal to accept the day when the sultanate was abolished as a feast". For a comprehensive review on this subject, see Nutuk, II, p. 686.

63. Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit I, c. XXIV, p. 335-37; R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 116; Nutuk, II, p. 681-83; Rıza Nur, Life and Memories, III, Istanbul 1967, p. 961-64; Cemal Kutay,…Rauf Orbay, p. 72-5; 50 Years in Turkish Foreign Policy, Lausanne (1922-23), Ankara 1973, p. 4.

64. Atatürk said, “I was not sure that the committee that would preside over Rauf Bey's throne would be successful in an issue that was vital for us. I sensed that Rauf Bey was also seeing himself as inadequate”. See. Nutuk, II, p. 681.

65. When asked about this issue, Prime Minister Rauf Bey gave an interview to Lé Journal Newspaper, stating that the Executive Committee was “full authority” in the Lausanne negotiations. See. Hakimiyet-i Milliye Newspaper, 8 Kanunsani 1923, Monday.

66. Rauf Bey gave assurances to the Grand National Assembly that: 1- No sacrifice will be made for the decisions of the National Pact, 2- War compensation will be received, 3- Patriarchate will be taken abroad, 4- Greek minority will definitely be exchanged. See. F. Okyar, ibid, p. 333; See also Nutuk, II, p. 669-74; For the discussion of Lausanne's articles in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, see. Secret Session Minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. III, p. 1146-62.

67. İsmet Pasha describes it as “as it was a very sad event as a liaison to duty, as a human being, it had an effect that would tire the nerves on all kinds of incidents”. See. I. İnönü, supra, II, p. 148-49, Annex: 3; See also Nutuk, II, p. 790-93.

68. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 132-33; For the approval of the Treaty of Lausanne, see. TBMM Confidential Session Minutes, IV, p. 74-89.

69. Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit: II, c. II, p. 90.

70. Nutuk, II, p. 833, 837; İsmet Pasha explains the conflict between them and Rauf Bey as follows: “The statement Rauf Bey gave to the Istanbul Newspapers mentions that the proclamation of the Republic was rushed, and that the order was made by illegitimate people. and the decision maker is the most authoritative organ of the state'. There is a definite difference of opinion between Rauf Bey and me. This is the essence of the dispute”. See. I. İnönü, supra, II, p. 182.

71. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 134-41, 158; Nutuk, II, p. 833. Atatürk heavily criticizes this interview of Rauf Bey and states that Rauf Bey defended himself by saying: “My feelings are that I do not adopt a regime other than the Republican administration” (Nutuk, II, p. 837.)

72. Nutuk, II, p. 833

73. Rauf Bey said, “Whoever wants to destroy Refet Pasha, they stick it; caliphism”. See. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 161.

74. Parliamentary Minutes, Period: II, c. X, (November 6, 1924), p. 112; R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 156; Rauf Bey's Answer, Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit: II, c. X, (November 6, 1924), p. 112.

75. Same memorandum, p. 113

76. These are: Istanbul Deputies: Dr. Adnan Adıvar, İsmail Canpolat, Refet Pasha, Rauf Bey, Erzurum: Rüştü Pasha, Halit Bey, Ziyaeddin Efendi, Dersim: Ferudun Fikri Bey.

77. Hakimiyet-i Milliye, 18.November 1924 (18 Second Term 1340; T. Zafer Tunaya, Political Parties in Turkey (1859-1952), Istanbul 1952, pp. 606-8; R. Orbay, supra, II, p. .162-68.

78. Nutuk, II, p. 838.

79. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 173-74; Tunaya, ibid, p. 608, 13.

80. Hakimiyet-i Milliye, 5 June 1925.

81. Tunaya, supra, p. 613-14.

82. Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit: II, c. XXVII, p. 16

83. According to the allegation of the İzmir Independence Court, “After the questioning of Ziya Hurşit's brother, who was guilty of the assassination in the first degree, Rauf Bey stated that he wanted to prevent it because Ziya Hurşit was planning to commit an assassination. He stated that he informed Kazım Karabekir and Refet Pasha about his attempt and Rauf Bey remained silent about this incident”. He was found guilty, assuming that he was aware of this secret attempt, because he went to Europe by saying, "I am going, whatever you do, as he did not inform him when he heard about the assassination preparation". For the court, see Ergün Aybars, Independence Courts -The Realities of Our Recent History-, Istanbul 1998, Şefik Printing House, 2nd Edition, p. 372, 379-82; Rauf Bey devoted a long place to the assassination incident, which he saw as a "conspiracy" in his memoirs. See. R. Orbay, supra, II, p.

84. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 235-36.

85. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 249-57.

86. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 260.

87. History of the Turkish Parliament, p. 882.

88. Rauf Bey, who wanted to be married to Sabiha Sultan, the daughter of Sultan Vahideddin in 1918, did not accept the offer of the palace on the grounds that he "could not find time to get married". See. Leyla Açba, Harem Memories of a Circassian Princess, (Publication by Harun Açba), Istanbul 2004, LM Publications, p. 94-5

89. Tercüman Newspaper, 19 July 1964; E. Inam, supra, p. 81

90. R. Orbay, a.g.e., I, s. 9

91. A. Fuad Cebesoy, My Classmate Atatürk, p. 167.

92. A. Fuad Cebesoy, ibid, p. 178.

93. I. İnönü, ibid. II, p. 184; Kazım Karabekir Pasha states that "the war is over, the battle is approaching". See. The Fight of the Pashas - Our Revolutionary Movements, (Spring. Jun. Faruk Özerengin), Istanbul 1995, EKO, p. one hundred.

94. For example, in parliamentary negotiations: “Rauf is a republican, but is the dominance of the republic the evolution of the nation, or is the dominance of the nation the evolution of the republic?” He discussed this with questions such as: See. Parliamentary Minutes, Circuit: II, c. X, (6.11.1340/1924), p. 113.

95. According to him, “The Islamic administration is essentially a republic. Whether the president bears the name of the caliph or not, he is appointed by the election of the people, and it is not possible for him to transfer his position to his son or to anyone he wishes, that is, hereditary leadership. The chief is responsible for his actions and actions towards the people… The Ottoman sultans, on the other hand, did not meet the conditions for the caliphate and reigned”. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 189-90; Among these statements, we do not find Rauf Bey's statements contrary to the natural course of the Caliphate Institution, both in the negotiations for the abolition of the sultanate and the election of Abdülmecid Efendi as the caliph, and in the later developments. See. Secret Session Minutes of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, c. III, p. 1042-46.

96. R. Orbay, supra, II, p. 189-90.

Dr. Mustafa Alkan*

* Gazi University Faculty of Arts and Sciences Department of History

Source: ATATÜRK ARAŞTIRMA MERKEZİ DERGİSİ, Sayı 59, Cilt: XX, Temmuz 2004