PRESENTATION

This modest review of the relations between Atatürk and the Assembly (especially the first Assembly) does not purport to make history and to put forward historical judgments. However, the documents, experiences and impressions of an observer who lived in that period, knew the main authorities and cooperated with some of them in political life, which may be useful in writing the objective history of this seriously great and epoch-making period in the future, can be found from the documents of that period, especially the minutes of the parliamentary open and secret sessions, and my personal impressions. It covers the opinions I have gained. It is necessary to examine the following subjects in order to reflect that period, which is extremely interesting and revolutionized the destiny of humanity as well as for our country:

A — The reasons that led the Turkish nation to engage in a National Struggle;

B — The factors that elevated Atatürk to the leadership of this National Struggle;

C — The events leading up to the establishment of the First Assembly;

D — The structure of the First Assembly, its identity, cooperation with the leader, the main works it created;

E — The state and conditions of the homeland and the outside world at that time;

F — Identities of the main personalities of that period (naturally, priority was given to the personalities of Atatürk's close circle).

The main difficulty in writing such a review, albeit unpretentious, by someone who lived at the time, is to stay objective while avoiding personal opinions as much as possible. I can say that I put a lot of effort into it. Despite this difficulty, I felt the need to present the review with a duty obligation. Because those who lived in that period are decreasing day by day. For this reason, it is a duty to transmit memories and observations to future generations.

ATATÜRK and PARLIAMENT

Goethe says; “The happiest person is the one who can connect the beginning and the end of his life in a straight line.” Atatürk, one of the creative figures of world history, is most worthy of this statement. We clearly understand from the following document that he designed the unconditionally independent, progressive nation sovereignty that he realized in 1923 with the same in 1907.

He told Malikov, a Turkologist he knew in Thessaloniki at that time, as follows.1

“The day will come when I will carry out the reforms that we all thought were dreams. The people I belong to will believe in me. Sultanate should be abolished, the structure of the state should be based on a homogeneous basis. Religion and state should be separated from each other. We have to leave the Eastern civilization and turn to the Western civilization. We must remove the difference between men and women. Thus, we must establish a new social order. We must remove the writing that makes it difficult for us to enter Western civilization. We must adopt the Latin alphabet. We must turn to the West at every point, down to our dress. Rest assured that one day we will achieve all these goals.”

Exactly one year before this date, Mustafa Kemal had drawn the borders of the homeland map that he would make in the future at the National Pact to his classmate Ali Fuat Cebesoy. In 1919, during the Erzurum Congress, Mustafa Kemal had entrusted Mazhar Müfit that Turkey would become a republic "as a national secret".

All this showed that Mustafa Kemal was able to combine the beginning and the end of his life in a straight line without any zigzag.

Is this extraordinary appearance a happy coincidence, or is it a systematic product of indomitable determination, unprecedented belief and effort? There is no doubt that this is the second. Now let's take a look at the mental and spiritual factors that ensure the success of the person who created this magnificent work:

1 — Mustafa Kemal is a legitimist. According to him, the basis of legitimacy is the will of the people. Any attempt that is not based on this will is illegitimate. That's why, since his youth, he has always taken the basis of the national will as his main goal and has been against every initiative that does not reflect this will. For this reason, he opposed the sultan's regime, which was far away from the national will, and for the same reason, he stood against the Enver Pasha regime and the Committee of Union and Progress, which embarked on a great and dangerous adventure, albeit platonic.

When he crossed into Anatolia in 1919, there was the victory of Çanakkale behind him, and with our nation's only hope, Anatolia was ready to join him unconditionally, and Karabekir and Cebesoy, who were at the head of the main military forces, were ready to join him. But he did not choose this path. He attended the Erzurum Congress, which represented a part of our nation, and became the head of the representative committee established after this congress. Even if it was local, it was a solidarity to the national will. Later, he was elected as the head of the Anatolian and Rumelian Defense of Rights delegation established by the Sivas Congress. This now means the representation of the will of a nation that covers the whole country. And finally, he ensured the establishment of a National Assembly under the most unfavorable conditions of that day. Now, as the head of the assembly, he gained the authority to represent the will of the nation.

2 — According to Mustafa Kemal, the basic condition of freedom, equality and human dignity was national independence. Again, according to Mustafa Kemal, this independence should be "unconditional", that is, it should not only be a political independence within certain borders, but also judicial, financial, economic and cultural, that is, "complete independence". This was the main goal of the national struggle he led.

3 — Mustafa Kemal is a great timing master. He would base what action he took, when and under what conditions, on a thorough account. He had unprecedented patience in waiting for the day and atmosphere when conditions would be fulfilled. Let's give just a couple of examples of this:

Among the first representatives who came to the Sivas Congress was a young medical student who said that he came to represent the medical school. His name was Hikmet. During the negotiations, this young man said that the sultan and caliph in Istanbul were in treachery. Mustafa Kemal was not satisfied with this young man's action at that time. Because he had already decided in 1907 to abolish the sultanate and caliphate. But the days of the Sivas Congress were not the days of this business. Because in those days, it was believed that the sultan and the caliph were the only authority that could protect the unity of the country. Some of his closest friends also believed in this belief. If he had agreed with what the medical student said that day, it would have been harmful, even dangerous, in those conditions where national unity was necessary. A similar situation was encountered in the First Assembly. As some of the deputies who took the floor raised the problem of sultanate and caliphate, Mustafa Kemal, who was in the presidency, wanted and ensured that this problem should not be overemphasized. Thus, he has shown that he is a great timing master. We see the same mastery in the unification of education and training and in civil law revolutions. He did not allow the madrasa to confront the school until the time came.

4 — Timing master, Mustafa Kemal, showed his teaching in his own life in creating an environment in which he could take the necessary steps to ensure national sovereignty unconditionally. Yes, as he has once stated, Mustafa Kemal is a teacher. Our society had to be prepared to demolish the institutions that our nation had been accustomed to for centuries and which had degenerated over time, and to establish new, progressive and modern institutions. Mustafa Kemal realized this preparation and training as an ideal teacher.

In order to properly understand the works of Mustafa Kemal and his relations with the First Assembly, it is necessary to consider his mental and spiritual structure.

“A collector is a loner”. Especially on the day he assumed the leadership of the National Struggle - almost naturally and destinedly - he was a "lonely man" in the true sense of the word. The task he undertakes - compared to the possibilities he has - is very much like an adventure, and the most daring of all adventures. The war he undertook was a war against mathematics and the impossible.

True, he was the son of a brave, experienced and self-sacrificing nation and he knew this nation very well, but all calculations and possibilities were against him. The fresh wounds of a nation that has just come out of a world war are still bleeding. He lost all his material possessions, his weapons were taken from him, moreover, he was sentenced to pay billions of war indemnities, and his lands were shared. A society deceived, hopeless, lonely and abandoned. He is the owner of a victory that the enemies have never seen in history, in which he was condemned to strip away his independence from cruel hands with superhuman strength. All possibilities are in their hands!

The man in front of this painting, moreover, is subject to the skepticism of even his most trusted friends. He has been branded as a "passionate man" since his captaincy!

So he is a lonely man. This loner is charged with the task of changing the course of history.

Like every loner, he is in a constant homeland. However, this man, who seems to be against mathematics, has a mathematics: he knows his nation and believes that “if a nation decides to live completely independently, all the material forces of the world will not be able to defeat this will of it.

This secret mathematics will lead to the salvation not only of Turkey, but also of many more "oppressed nations" that follow its example.

THE REASONS PREPARING THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ASSEMBLY

National Struggle, Anti-imperialism in Us and in the World

The event that forced the Turkish nation, the first nation in the world to wage a war against imperialism, to wage a national struggle despite all the hopeless conditions, is that we are among those who lost the First World War, and therefore everything, the independence and even the very existence of the country is in danger. Why did we enter the First World War, which resulted in such a defeat? There can be only one answer to this. We were concerned about "not being able to stand on our own" in the face of the widespread attacks of imperialism. Sait Halim Pasha, the Grand Vizier of the period, and Talat Pasha, who came after him, clearly expressed their opinions. The country had just emerged from the Balkan Wars, had undergone a constitutional revolution, and had entered the administration of the inexperienced and divided Committee of Union and Progress, which pursued well-meaning but utopian dreams. In addition to various inadequacies in the country, societies that were formally connected to our empire and belonged to other cultures were working secretly against our state, while the rulers, who were incapable of solving the country's problems, were after utopias. On the one hand, it is the desire to establish a great state by uniting one hundred million Turks in the world, and on the other hand, the desire to unite three hundred million Muslims under the leadership of Turkey, relying on an imaginary Islamic solidarity.

The horizons were pitch black. On the one hand, the Ottoman Empire, which was worried about not being able to live alone against the great bloc established by France, England, and Russia, and the "central states" bloc led by Germany, felt obliged to join one of these fronts. France, Syria and Arabia; England, Mosul and Baghdad; Russia was seeking to seize our provinces in the East. In such a period, German diplomacy acted more skillfully and more effectively, almost giving us the impression that it would embrace us. In fact, the Ottoman Empire, which was afraid of not being alone, considered it the lesser of the serfs to cooperate with the more skillful German bloc. Fortunately, this evil was not lesser. Germany also sought to expand and expand. As the first stage of this, he planned to form the "Berlin-Baghdad axis". But if it succeeded, the plan would not suffice. Baghdad would be a springboard for the Germans and the competition with British imperialism would be over India.

One of the reasons why the Ottoman Empire approached the German bloc, which seemed platonic to it, was if there was not a common political and geographical destiny. We have been under the pressure of the great threat in the East for centuries. Russia, which expanded over time, began to threaten Europe and Germany in this regard.

There was another important factor that played an inconspicuous but final role in the Ottoman Empire's decision: Although Enver Pasha was the first, the notables of the Union and Progress believed in Germany's invincibility.

The Turkish army, which had succeeded in the freedom revolution, was stuck in the political pit at that time. The officers set out to gain dominant positions in political parties rather than their military duties. One of them, Enver Pasha, had taken over the Ministry of War, that is, the de facto commander-in-chief of our army. In order to increase his political influence and gain influence in the utopia of the "Alem-i Islam", he also obtained the marriage of the caliph and the sultan. Thus, he concentrated virtually all power in his hands. So much so that when he was putting his country into the World War as a fait accompli, he felt the need to inform neither the government nor the headquarters of the Committee of Union and Progress.

There was a person who saw all these situations from afar and understood the abyss the country was falling into: Military Attaché of our Sofia embassy, ​​Lieutenant Colonel Mustafa Kemal. Mustafa Kemal, like the main armies, knew the German army closely and did not believe in the invincibility of this army. Moreover, he knew very well the material potential of France and England. According to his calculations, the war had already been lost for Turkey from that day. Subsequent events show that after this war, which he believed to be lost, Mustafa Kemal began to think about the fate of the country, to prepare, and to think from that day on. Under these dire conditions, the Turkish army fought heroically for 4 years, befitting its dignity. Our enemies did not expect this level of heroism. So much so that despite all their hatred and anger, they did not hesitate to express their admiration for this heroism. There is no doubt that the epic of Çanakkale was at the beginning of this heroic series. Colonel Mustafa Kemal, the hero of this epic, became the hope and lover of the nation, and it started with that victory. However, despite these individual victories, the fate of the war began to emerge from the beginning of 1918: Although the central states had not lost a pitched battle anywhere. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. There is no doubt that the epic of Çanakkale was at the beginning of this heroic series. Colonel Mustafa Kemal, the hero of this epic, became the hope and lover of the nation, and it started with that victory. However, despite these individual victories, the fate of the war began to emerge from the beginning of 1918: Although the central states had not lost a pitched battle anywhere. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. There is no doubt that the epic of Çanakkale was at the beginning of this heroic series. Colonel Mustafa Kemal, the hero of this epic, became the hope and lover of the nation, and it started with that victory. However, despite these individual victories, the fate of the war began to emerge from the beginning of 1918: Although the central states had not lost a pitched battle anywhere. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. the nation's hope and love began with that victory. However, despite these individual victories, the fate of the war began to emerge from the beginning of 1918: Although the central states had not lost a pitched battle anywhere. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. the nation's hope and love began with that victory. However, despite these individual victories, the fate of the war began to emerge from the beginning of 1918: Although the central states had not lost a pitched battle anywhere. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place. However, in the face of incalculable material and weapon superiority, the central states, which could not succeed in war, entered a state of exhaustion. Our country was also in this group. Finally, destiny had made its decision and we as Germany, the central states, and finally we aspired to an armistice. Upon this decision, the cabinet headed by Talat Pasha resigned and the Izzet Pasha Cabinet was established in its place.

Let's listen to those days from the mouth of Mustafa Kemal:

-“During the days I was in Aleppo, I examined the general situation of the country by myself. The situation was this: our allies and we had lost the party. But for Turkey, the issue was so terrible that it lost all its existence. The only thing to think about on that date could not be to win the lost party. We should not hesitate to resort to the quickest and surest remedies just to protect our existence. In fact, apart from all our allies for this cause, it might have been necessary for us to take a position if necessary. However, it was pointless to expect such a thing from the cabinet of that day, which led the war to this conclusion. I immediately believed that it was necessary to overthrow this cabinet and replace it with a new cabinet that could function in the way I thought it would. I should add that I had come to the conclusion that in this new cabinet, the command of the whole army must be given to me in order to be able to implement my visions. Since the situation was depressive and the measures to be taken had to be very serious and urgent, I conveyed this opinion to the Sultan Vahdettin by telegram. I recommended İzzet Pasha as the grand vizier for the new cabinet and the names of other friends to the ministries. In the same telegram, I sincerely requested that I be included in the cabinet as the Minister of War.

It wasn't long before the Talaat Pasha cabinet resigned; A new cabinet was formed under the leadership of İzzet Pasha. I can't say anything about whether this organization is related to my telegram, but the important friends I recommended were in the cabinet. As I remember the telegram I received from the Grand Vizier Pasha after the establishment of the new cabinet, it ended with the following sentence: “I hope from God that you will join us after peace.” In the answer I gave with a telegram, I tried to explain the following: I asked for the Office of the Ministry of War because I knew that peace would not come quickly, that we would be faced with many crisis and important situations until peace, and that it was possible to do a lot of service to my country in these difficulties. Otherwise, I informed that there are valuable individuals who will perform their duties of the Ministry of War much more perfectly than I do after the peace is reached.”

According to a rumor, Izzet Pasha did not take Mustafa Kemal into his cabinet because he did not want anyone to come between him and the sultan, but he appointed him to the "Lightning Army Group Command" in order not to offend him completely. Enver Pasha, who was the deputy commander-in-chief in those days, said: “A strong cabinet is needed. No one but Mustafa Kemal Pasha can lead the army.”

There was not much Izzet Pasha could do in the situation of the country, which was depleted and could only be saved by an extraordinary and superhuman recovery of power. The only hope was that Wilson's 14-point program, announced at the time, was humanitarian. Especially the 13th article of this program concerned the Ottoman Empire.

The form of this article was as follows: “For the time being, giving a solid right of domination to the Turkish parts of the Ottoman Empire, but ensuring the opportunity for the other nationalities to remain under the Turkish yoke in full confidence and to develop effortlessly, the Dardanelles Strait under international guarantee of trade of all nations. remain open for their ships to pass freely.”

This was the basis of the directive given by the government to the delegation sent to the armistice negotiations under the presidency of Rauf Bey. However, the British were resisting by putting forward more severe conditions. They were sure that the Ottoman Empire could not continue the war. Thus, an armistice was signed in Mudros. The most dire condition of this truce was: “The Allies would be able to land soldiers on our lands, which they deem necessary for their own security.” The disastrous implementation of this grave condition soon began. Istanbul was occupied and on May 15, 1919, Izmir was given to the Greeks. Thus, not only the independence of the country, but also its existence was jeopardized. There was only one decision that a nation that had not lived in captivity in its thousands of years of history could make under these conditions. “Either independence or death”, here is the Turkish nation,

THOUGHT GROUPS AND MOTIFS UNTIL THE ASSEMBLY IS ESTABLISHED

After four years of world war, our nation was completely exhausted. All our resources were exhausted, we had more than a million martyrs, and most of those who were able to return to their homes were sick, crippled, injured and, worse, hopeless. In this table, some focus of thought emerged. We should look for most of them in impotence rather than betrayal. “He hugs the snake that falls into the sea.” We can gather the thoughts of those who seek a remedy in the following groups.

1 — Fatalists: According to them, "Divine predestination" was like this, and it could not be resisted. Our suffering comes from our corruption. Now we must submit to fate in surrender.

2 — Utopian hopes towards the Islamic-East: According to them, we were defeated, but three hundred million Muslims in the world were supporting us. Those who carried this hope, which was nothing more than a consolation, forgot that some of the countries called the Islamic world wanted to be ousted from us and regain their independence. In fact, there were those who stabbed our army from behind in Hejaz and Syria for this purpose. According to some of this Islamist group, what we already suffered came from our turn to Christendom, which is called the West. Now it is necessary to correct our path and to cooperate closely with the Eastern world. On this occasion, we must remember that this anti-Westernism, which has left our modernization behind a century, is based on a very dangerous prejudice. According to them, heading west was to go into the swamp; and this movement would “make us not who we are. “We have seen this thought in some high-ranking personalities as well. Some of the struggles in the I. Assembly were born out of this motif. However, Westernization only means modernization and we have to Westernize in order to live. Those who oppose this idea think that the West is monopolized by France or Germany. However, the Western worldview consists of the sum of these four elements.

a) The ancestry of ancient cultures, especially “Greco-Latin”,

b) Renaissance movement,

c) The Great French Revolution,

d) Positive Sciences.

In order to live, we had to adopt this worldview and thus become modern. This idea was embodied by Mustafa Kemal with all certainty.

3 — Those who think they have found in the Qur'an that Turkey cannot collapse. They say that God reveals in the Qur'an that He will protect Islam. In this duty of protection, the only independent Muslim country is Turkey, so according to the word of God, Turkey could not sink or collapse.

4 — Politicians group: Our weapons were taken from us, our armies were disbanded. Military resistance was no longer considered. So what should he do? They were saying, "Let's do politics". According to them, it should have opened up between our enemies. For this purpose, we had to make concessions to some of them and turn our opponents against each other. They called it "making politics".

5 — Those who seek external protection: According to the conditions of that day, we could not live on our own. Financial possibilities were exhausted, even if we lived, internal conflicts would collapse us. So we had to look for an outside protector and reformer.

6 — Mandates: It was necessary to take shelter under the protection of a foreign state. Some of those who had this idea wanted the British mandate, and some wanted the American mandate.

7 — Finally, national dignity protection groups were starting to form in places. Even if they were local, they were a sign of vitality, a light of hope, the will to live. In those days, the morale of the country was more or less like this.

Now let's take a look at the events from the armistice to the opening of the parliament.

German General Liman von Şanders, who was the Commander of the Lightning Armies in those days, handed over his duty to Mustafa Kemal with the following letter:

“Your Excellency, you are on the war fronts. You are the commander I know very well in Arıburnu, Anafarta. Maybe some events have passed between us. But they introduced us to each other better. I think we are friends at heart. Today, as I am forced to leave Turkey, I entrust the armies under my command to a commander whom I have admired since I came to Turkey. It is impossible not to feel unfortunate in the general catastrophe we are in. I find solace in only one thing: entrusting the control to you. From this moment on, the command is yours.

Mustafa Kemal, who took over the Lightning Arms Command, said the following that day:

“With this truce, the Great Ottoman Empire surrendered itself to the enemies unconditionally. I saw the crippling of the armistice, and I reported it to the relevant authorities, believing that it was necessary to try to fix these crippled points. I expressed the opinion that if the text of the armistice is implemented as it is, the country is subject to occupation and invasion from beginning to end.”

Now let's take a look at the events of those days, respectively;2

On November 5, 1918, a “Kars National Islamic Council” is established in Kars to prevent enemy invasion.

On November 6, 1918, Mustafa Kemal orders the enemy who will land in İskenderun to be fired.

November 20, 1918: A party called “Ottoman Peace and Salvation Party” is established in Istanbul. The program of this party is passive resistance.

November 20, 1918: An organization called “National Congress” is formed.

December 1, 1918: “İzmir Müdafaa-i Hukuk-u Osmaniye Cemiyeti” is established in İzmir.

December 2, 1918: “Thrace-Pashaeli Defense Committee” association is established in Edirne.

On December 4, 1918, “Vilâyat-ı Şarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti” was established in Istanbul. (This organization constitutes the core of the Erzurum Congress.)

The same day, the “Wilson Principles Society” publishes a letter. In this letter, it is claimed that the places where the Turkish majority live should not be occupied.

On December 10, 1918, the “Istikbal Newspaper”, which supports the National Struggle, begins to appear in Trabzon.

On December 21, 1918, the “Society of Cilicians” was established.

On December 28, 1918, Kazım Karabekir Pasha was appointed as the 14th Corps Commander from Tekirdag.

On December 29, 1918, İsmet Bey was appointed to the “Peace Preparations Commission”.

On February 8, 1919, a crazy Frenchman named General Franş Despere plays the hero and shows off on a white horse in Istanbul. Turks are crying blood. The next day, Süleyman Nazif reacts violently to his article in Hadisat Newspaper under the title "A Black Day".

February 12, 1919: The Conservation-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti is established in Trabzon and this association holds its first congress on February 23. February 25, 1919 : “Tokat Defense-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti” is established in Tokat.

February 26, 1919: Boghos Nubar Pasha appeals to the allies and demands Izmir.

March 3, 1919 : “Vilâyat-ı Şarkiye Müdafaa-i Hukuk-u Milliye Cemiyeti” is established.

March 6, 1919: “Vahdet-i Milliye Heyeti (Community)” is established in Istanbul.

March 9, 1919: The declaration of the Erzurum Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti is published. This statement contains the following historical sentence:

“Religious and national monuments such as minarets and cupolas that can be seen all over the country clearly show who the real owners of these lands are”.

March 10, 1919: Sait Halim Pasha, Musa Kazım, Menemenli Rifat, Halil Menteşe, Fethi Bey, Ahmet Ağaoğlu are arrested in Istanbul.

April 7, 1919 : The French occupy the Military Guesthouse in Beyazıt. We give martyrs in combat.

April 9, 1919: Karabekir Pasha is appointed to the 15th Corps Command in Erzurum.

13 April 1919: The British occupy Kars.

April 16, 1919: The French occupy Afyon.

April 24, 1919: Italians occupy Konya.

April 29, 1919: The Minister of War, Şakir Pasha, calls Mustafa Kemal and states that he will be sent to the Black Sea region as an inspector to examine the oppression of the Turks against the Greeks. This good news is a development that Mustafa Kemal has been waiting for for days. He is determined to assume the leadership of the National Struggle. Now he has a legal opportunity. This appointment is partly the work of those who are afraid of him staying in Istanbul. But Mustafa Kemal got what he hoped for. This appointment decision was approved by the sultan on April 30, 1919. Now his new title is “9. Army Continental Inspector. Mustafa Kemal was able to put a sentence in this appointment decree in terms of his own decision: He would be able to give orders not only to the 9th Army Continents, but also to the military units and civil chiefs in the surrounding provinces. On the same day, the British brought many Armenians to Kars and gave them the administration of the region. May 2, 1919: British and French Prime Ministers begin negotiations to occupy İzmir.

May 9, 1919 : The Patriarch of Istanbul declares that the Greeks broke off their relations with the Ottoman Government and left their Turkish nationality.

May 11, 1919: Mustafa Kemal asks the governors in his new duty area about the amount of bandits there.

May 11, 1919: Italians occupy Marmaris and Bodrum.

May 13, 1919: Greek troops to go to Izmir are embarked on ships, the commander of the continent says in his statement that day: “We are going to save our brothers living in captivity”. “On the same day, Venizelos reads his declaration that Izmir has been occupied in a church.”

May 14, 1919: The fortifications of Foça and Urla are occupied by the Greek and British troops. On the same day, the “Redd-i İlhak Delegation of Nationality” is established in İzmir. His first statement is as follows:

“O unfortunate Turk! They are taking away your rights and dishonoring you on the pretext of Wilsonian principles. Supposedly there were many Greeks here and the Turks supposedly welcomed the Greeks' arrival, so now I'm asking you. Are there more Rums than you here? Do you accept Greek sovereignty? Now show yourself, let's gather in the maşatlık. “A magnificent rally is held that evening in Izmir.

May 16, 1919: Mustafa Kemal sets off from Istanbul on the Bandırma ferry.

May 17, 1919: Mustafa Kemal arrives in İnebolu.

May 18, 1919 : Arrives in Sinop.

May 19, 1919: Mustafa Kemal sets foot in Samsun. This date is the beginning of national liberation, the beginning of an era in which the sun of freedom for the "oppressed nations" of the world appears on the horizon.

May 20, 1919: Mustafa Kemal sends the following telegram to the grand vizier: “The occupation of Izmir has injured the nation and army with which I have been in close contact, in a way that cannot be imagined. Neither the nation nor the army will accept this attack against its existence.”

May 21, 1919 : Mustafa Kemal sends the following telegram to the General Staff: "After the armistice, all the Greeks were spoiled by the ambition of being Greek, and they gathered around the fallacy of establishing the Pontus Government in this region, and the complete Greek gangs turned into a political form."

On the same day, Mustafa Kemal sent the following telegram to Kazım Karabekir: “I am very sorry for the dire state of affairs in our general situation. I wish to meet your essence as soon as possible.”

May 22, 1919: Mustafa Kemal writes to the Prime Minister's Office: "The nation is one body and has aimed at the principle of national sovereignty and the feeling of Turkishness."

May 23, 1919: A rally is held in Sultanahmet with the participation of two hundred thousand people.

21 June 1919: Amasya Circular is being prepared. In this document, besides Mustafa Kemal, there are the signatures of Ali Fuat Pasha, Rauf Bey and Refet Bey.

June 22, 1919: Mustafa Kemal sends the following circular from Amasya to the civil and military authorities: “The integrity of the homeland, the independence of the nation is in danger. The independence of the nation will be saved by the determination and decision of the nation. It was decided to hold a national congress in Sivas urgently. For this, three delegates from all provinces, from all branches of the nation, who have the trust of the nation, must set out as quickly as possible. Just in case, the situation should be kept as a national secret.”

On the same day, Karabekir Pasha sends this telegram to the Ministry of War: “It would be dangerous to remove Mustafa Kemal Pasha from the inspectorate.”

June 23, 1919: Mustafa Kemal informs Karabekir Pasha: “It seems that some people in Istanbul, who lacked the taste of national independence, did not mind entering British captivity. That's why for us, who are around the sada that will come out of Anatolia, the belief that this national duty is sacred is once again confirmed.”

On the same day, the Council of Ministers takes the following decision in Istanbul: “Since Mustafa Kemal Pasha was dismissed and he had no official title, it was decided to inform those who were required that his communiqués did not have an official nature.”

6 June 1919: Mustafa Kemal talks about the necessity of the National Struggle with his speeches in Tokat. However, on the same day, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Ali Kemal, issues the following statement: It is a disaster to prepare a national army and to attempt national defense." 27 June 1919: Army Inspector Cemal Pasha, who was in Konya, agrees with Mustafa Kemal and says: "I agree with all your thoughts and initiatives. ”

On the same day, Ali Fuat Cebesoy publishes the following statement: “I undertake publicly that I will continue to work for the sake of my blessed homeland and my holy nation as a member of the nation by leaving his position and civil service if necessary. “June 30, 1919: Our National Militia Forces take Aydın back.

July 3, 1919: Mustafa Kemal arrives in Erzurum, accompanied by Rauf Bey, and is warmly welcomed by the people.

July 3, 1919: In those days, the Istanbul Government shows the heroes of the National Struggle as "Unionist residue" and states that they do not have the authority to mobilize.

Against this, Karabekir Pasha issues the following circular: “I am responsible for the defense of the East, the law has given me the authority to declare mobilization in case of danger. No matter who they are, if they don't obey the mobilization orders, I will hand them over to the court of war."

July 6, 1919 : Mustafa Kemal's response to the order of the Istanbul Government about his return: "I am content, morally and materially, to use my personal will without fulfilling your offer to come out of the people of the eastern provinces."

9 July 1919: Mustafa Kemal informs the sultan that he has resigned from military service and publishes it to the nation! “From now on, I declare and declare that I am standing in the chest of the nation as a mujahid, to work with all kinds of sacrifices for our sacred national cause”.

On the same day, Rauf Bey published the following circular: “My right, I left Istanbul as a helpless individual for the sake of the national will, determined to protect the independence of its land. I agree with the national jihad of Mustafa Kemal Pasa and his colleagues. I declare that I have sworn on my sanctity to work with Mustafa Kemal Pasha until the end.

On July 9, the following historical scene takes place:

Karabekir Pasha, standing at attention during his visit to Mustafa Kemal, says: “Me and my corps are at your service- From now on, whatever orders you have, I will honor the performance. “

July 13, 1919: Karabekir sends the following telegram to Mustafa Kemal: “My person and my corps are deeply saddened by the necessity of resignation of his personal, self-employed people, whose service and self-sacrifice have been recognized by the whole world and who are the reason for the pride of the army and the nation. I only express our consolation with your promise that we will never stop fighting for our sacred national cause, and I wish the Almighty God to bestow success in all kinds of work for our homeland and nation, and I present my corps' respects."

July 14, 1919: The newspaper “Al Bayrak”, published in Erzurum, writes: “The resignation of Mustafa Kemal Pasha from the Command is a testament to determination and faith. It is tremendous evidence that shows that the old blood has not yet been extinguished in the nation. “

20 July 1919: Mazhar Müfit asks Mustafa Kemal:

—"In case of success, what will be the form of government?"

—"Mustafa Kemal's answer was, "I'll tell you frankly, when the time comes, the form of government will be a republic." July 22, 1919: Mustafa Kemal's telegram to the Minister of War, Nazım Pasha, in Istanbul: “The sooner you and your friends leave your places to honor men, the more you will be donated to the nation. 22 July 1919: In Istanbul, British and the decision of the French high commissioners: “The armistice will be fully implemented, the legitimate Sultan will be supported and any kind of independence will be resisted.”

August 1, 1919: Karabekir Pasha's reply to the Minister of War: “There will be no legal reason for the detention of a person like Mustafa Kemal, who is known for his honor and distinguished services in the country and commanded half of the country 20 days ago, and that such a detention will not be considered good in the eyes of the people and the army. Therefore, I submit that the state and situation are not suitable for the arrest of Mustafa Kemal Pasha.”

5 August 1919: Karabekir Pasha's telegram to the Minister of War; “It has been clearly understood that there was no political or personal influence in the Erzurum Congress. The national current arising from the anxiety of honor and life is in a state of excitement, and the only remedy for its calming is the immediate convening of the National Assembly. If this does not happen, I submit that national events will automatically reach this goal.”

August 7, 1919: On the day Mustafa Kemal's Erzurum Congress ended, Mazhar Müfit wrote in his diary: After the victory, the form of government will be the Republic. When the time comes, the necessary treatment will be done about the sultan and the dynasty. The veiling of women will be removed, the fez will be removed. Hats will be worn like civilized nations. * August 10, 1919 : Halide Hanım's letter to Mustafa Kemal: “In the face of the fear of division and extinction, we consider ourselves compelled to apply to the United States in order to help our cause.”

August 27, 1919: Mustafa Kemal said to his friends that day: “Istanbul is an American buffalo. This will not happen. Turkey will have full independence. These heedless people think that our sovereignty and homeland integrity will not be touched in the requested mandate. Even children laugh, not Americans like that. No, gentlemen, there is no buffalo. “There is independence or death!”

September 2, 1919: Mustafa Kemal arrives in Sivas.

September 3, 1919: Mustafa Kemal's telegram to Ali Fuat Pasha: "Do not leave the command at all."

September 9, 1919 : Appointment of Ali Fuat Pasha to the "Western Anatolia, General National Forces Command" with the decision of the Sivas Congress.

September 26, 1919: After the governor of Konya escaped, the people of Konya gathered and elected Vehbi Hoca as the deputy governor.

September 27, 1919: The rebels are making the First Steppe uprising.

October 6, 1919: Yunus Nadi Bey has a telegraphic conversation with Mustafa Kemal upon the proposal of the Minister of War, Cemal Pasha. The purpose is to make an agreement about Istanbul with the national committee (Delegation of Representatives).

7 October 1919 : The telegram of Harbiye Nazın Cemal Pasha to Mustafa Kemal: “The cabinet agrees with you and accepts the dominance of the national will. The government will rely on the national will and the representative committee against the outside.”

16 October 1919 : Mustafa Kemal Pasha came to Amasya with the members of the Representative Committee.

20 October 1919 : 2nd Steppe revolt

October 22, 1919: End of Amasya negotiations and signing of 5 protocols.

October 24, 1919: Mustafa Kemal makes the following statement to Ruşen Eşrefe: “The world will either respect the life of our nation and affirm its unity and independence, or it will have to satisfy the invasion ambition that has been redeemed on the dead of a whole nation after we have irrigated our last lands with the blood of our last people. . “

March 15, 1920: Arrest of 150 Turkish intellectuals in Istanbul.

March 16, 1920 : With the joint declaration of England, France and Italy High Commissioners, it is announced that Istanbul will be under military occupation.

On the same day, 6 of our soldiers were martyred and 15 of our soldiers were injured in the Şehzadebaşı Police Station. A telegrapher named Manastırlı Hamdi Efendi informs Mustafa Kemal that Istanbul is occupied. The protest that Mustafa Kemal sent to foreign states against this occupation that day said, “This last blow to the political sovereignty and freedom of the Ottoman nation is the XX. It is aimed at all the principles that the century of civilization considers sacred, all the principles that are essential to today's human society such as freedom, nationality, and the feelings of homeland, and the general conscience of humanity that composes them.

That day, Mustafa Kemal Pasha issued the following statement to the nation: “Today, by forcefully occupying Istanbul, the Ottoman Empire's 100-year life and sovereignty was ended. In other words, the Turkish nation was invited to defend its civil ability, right to life and independence.”

March 18, 1920: The National Assembly holds its last meeting. The printing house of the newspaper "Yeni Gün", published by Yunus Nadi, is printed by the British.

March 19, 1920 : Mustafa Kemal sends a circular to the provinces and commanders for a quick election to convene a parliament in Ankara.

March 20, 1920 : İsmet Pasha returns to Ankara from Istanbul.

March 27, 1920 : The British deport Ali Said Pasha, Süleyman Nazif, Ebüzziya, Celal Nuri, Ali Çetinkaya and Ahmet Emin to Malta.

April 6, 1920 : “Anadolu Agency” is established in Ankara.

April 10, 1920: Ankara Mufti Rıfat Efendi gives a contrary fatwa to the fatwa of Dürrizade.

April 21, 1920: Mustafa Kemal informs the provinces that the Parliament will convene on April 23.

April 23, 1920: Parliament opens in Ankara.

STRUCTURE OF THE FIRST ASSEMBLY

The First Assembly, which convened on April 23, 1920, was formed from the newly elected people who joined Ankara after the last Ottoman Assembly was dissolved. This election was not democratic and regular in terms of formality. But it was founded by patriots who had won the trust and love of the people and were ready for every sacrifice. The only idea that united them was the liberation of the country from invasion. If we look at the composition of the assembly, it is seen that the educated people are in the majority. In the literate group, those who received academic instruction were in the minority, even so few as to point out. These are harbiye, civil and few medical students. But the self-taught were in the majority. For these, the parliament played an active role: a school where Atatürk was the head teacher!

After this parliamentary life, it was seen that high-level intellectuals emerged among them.

Whatever the origin, the members of this council have fulfilled their historical duties with heroism.

Now let's look at the occupational groups in the Assembly:

 

Ilmiye Class

 

Abdullah Faik Copurlu

Mehmet Hamdi Izgi

Ali Riza Ozdarende

Haji Atif

Haji Mustafa Beyman

Semsettin Bayramoglu

Ahmet Sukru

Yavuz Yilmaz

Esat Forward

Ahmet Fevzi Erdem

Ahmet Nuri

Ali Riza Adjara

Abdullah Sabri Aytac

Halil Hulusi Ermis

Mustafa Fehmi Gerçeker

Sheikh Servet Akdag

Said Üçok

Tahir Asik Musuloglu

Haci Tevfik Durlanik

Hasan Tokcan

My oppressed father

Diyab Aga Yildirim

Mustafa Aga Ozturk

Abdulhamid Hamdi

Osman Fevzi Topcu

Sheikh Haci Fevzi Baysoy

Mehmet Salih Yesiloglu

Nusret Son

Abdullah Azmi Torun

Haji Veli Bayraktar

Halil İbrahim Sipahi

Mehmet Niyazi Camzade (Camoglu)

Mustafa Hilmi Soydan

Haci Mustafa Sabri Baysan

Halil Hulki Aydin

Bekir Sitki Cooker

Mehmet Hulusi Akyol

Mustafa Taki Dogruyol

Abddurrahman Lami Hocazade Ersoy

Hafiz Mehmet Sahin

Ali Riza Ataışık

Haci Sabri Guney

Naim National

Hafiz Ibrahim Demiralay

Hussein Husnu Ozdamar

Hüseyin Hüsnü Işık

Haci Suleiman Bilgin

Hafiz Abdullah Tezemir

Ismail Sukru Celikalay

Mustafa Hulusi Calguner

Nebil Yurteri

Ali Sururi Tönük

Mustafa Atay

Abdulgafur Istan

Hasan Basri Bagay

Hulusi Erdemir

Mehmet Alim Cinar

Cemalettin Celebioglu

Müfit Kurutluoğlu

Abdulhalim Celebi

Haci Bekir Sumer

Hulusi Goksu

Mehmet Vehbi Celik

Mustafa Kazim Goksu

Omer Vehbi Buyukyalvac

Rifat Saatci

Sheikh Seyfi Aydin

Mustafa Fevzi Bilgili

Refet Seckin

Rifat Borekci

 

soldiers

 

Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha

Hamdi Apaydin

Omer Lütfi Yasan

Ali Fuat Ps. Cebesoy

Hilmi B.

Mosque Baykut

Arif Ozdemir

Cevat Abbas Gurer

Yusuf İzzet Ps.

Necati Salvation

Suleiman Bosniak

İhsan Eryavuz

Rasim Oztekin

Joint Torbo

Hasan Hayri Kanko

Mustafa Zeki Saltuk

Ramiz Tan

Haci Sukru Aydindag

Kadir Ahmet Kurkcu

Cafer Tayyar Eğilmez

Ismet B. (Psh.) Inonu

Kazim Karabekir (Psh.)

Halil Işık

Zihni Orhan

Eyup Sabri Akgol Ziya İhsan Saglam

Mustafa Vasfi Susoy

Hüsrev Gerede

Hüsrev Sami Kizildogan

Kilic Ali (Sword)

Ali Vasif Telli

Cemal (Pş.) Mersinli

Mehmet Ferit Tek

Ahmet Sukru Oguz

Ali Fethi Okyar

Ali Riza Bebe

Refet (Pş.) Belé

Ali Cetinkaya

Hulusi Kutluoglu

Ömer Lütfü Argeşo

Memduh Necdet Erberk

Kazim Ps. Ozalp

Cavid Erdel

Fevzi Ps. (Marshal) Lighter

Mahmud Trench

Fahrettin B. (Pş.) Altay

Hakki Pasha Sutekin

Resit B.

Riza Vamik Uras

Hayri Sigirci

Huseyin Rauf Orbay

Abdulgani Ansari

Vasif Patrol

Recai Baykal

Sabri Nemlizade

Ali Saib Ursavaş

İsmail Fazıl (Pş.) Cebesoy

 

Educator Class

 

Hamdullah Suphi Tanrıöver

Haci Memed Approval

Ali Ulvi

İsmail Suphi Soysallıoğlu

Emin Gevelioglu

Hamdi Yalman

Behcet Kulu

Dursun Yalvac

Hakki Behic Bayic

Kadri Üçok

Mustafa Akif Tutenk

Kazim Vehbi Oral

Suleyman Necati Guneri

Ziyaettin Gozubuyuk

Neset Ozercan

Mehmet Vehbi Bolak

Ahmed Hilmi Kalac

Remzi Akgoz

Besim Atalay

Cevdet Izrab (Barlas)

Ziya Hursit

Mustafa Soylu

Yasin Hasimoglu (Akdag)

Mustafa Necati Ugural

Sherif Avkan

Rasim Basara

Mustafa Lutfi Azer

Celalettin Aykar

Haji Dream

 

Economics Member

 

Mahmut Celal Bayar

Hasan Saka

Bahri Tatlioglu

Zamir Damar Arıkoğlu

Şakir Kınacı

Sadik Unver

Edib Dinc

Hafiz Hamdi Dumrul

Dervish Sefunc

Nuri Aksu

Sukru Firat

Necib Buldanlioglu

Asim Vasfi Mühürdaroğlu

Ali Cenan

Hasan Fehmi Atac

Rusen Oktar

Ziya Tuglu

Mazhar Müfit Kansu

Sami Arkan

Sirri Bellioglu

Fahrettin Erdogan

Rustu Colakoglu

Osman Uşşaklı

Bekir Kocaoglu

Riza Silspur

Ragip Soysal

Mustafa Vehbi Corakci.

 

Diplomacy

 

Atif Tuzun

Cemil Altay

Volume Neighborhood

Carikli Osman Ozgen

Zekai Apaydin

Bekir Sami Kunduh

Haji Nuri Bayram

Ahmet Rustem

Salih Atalay

Ali Vefa Seymanli

Izzet Young

Akif Beyazit

Rifat Arkun

Faik Oztrak

Sheikh Sukru Keskin

Fevzi Piscioglu

Tevfik Demiroglu

Muhittin Çötel

Ahmed Baydar

Mahmut Sıgnak

Mehmet Emin

Necip Soydan

Emin Lekili

Tevfik Kütükbasi

Mehmet Celal

Fikri Faik Gungoren

Mehmet Sukru Uncuncuoglu

Veysel Riza

Ismail Remzi Berkun

Mehmet Nadir Suldur

Ahmet Muhtar

Haci Arif Marlali

Tahsin Uzer

Fuat Carim

See Hamdi Namik

Mesud Benli

 

Lawyers

 

Halil Ibrahim Ozkaya

Ahmet Mazhar Akifoglu

Rasih Kaplan

Halil Hilmi Bozca

Hamit Karaosmanoglu

Mehmet Sukru Koc

Sevket Candemir

Murad Pala

Veliyuttin Saltikgil

Sabri Dura

Hasan Fehmi Kokay

Fixed Eyeliner

Muhittin Baha Pars

Cevdet Seckin

Osman Nuri Ozpay

Sadik Savtekin

Hasan Fehmi Corluzade

Arif Baysal

Nafiz Ozalp

Kazim Husni

Neset Akkor

Refik Koraltan

Ferit Törm

Kuney Haydar B.

Yusuf Başkaya

İbrahim Şevki

Abdulhak Tevfik Gencturk

Necati Memisoglu

Mehmet Seref

Aykut Lütfi Evliyaoglu

Mustafa Sukru

Caglayan Sitki Gur

Rasim Tekin

Apdulgani Ertan

Mustafa Kemal Guney

Mahmut Sait Yetgin

Celalettin Arif Abidin

Huseyin Avni Ulas

Refik Sevket Ince

Mustafa Durak Sakarya

Haki Hami Ulukan

Celal Nuri Forward

Sevket Peker

Tufan Ulker

Emin Pasha Marsan

Haydar Lutfi Aslan

Hafiz Mehmet Engin

Haci Tahir Kucur

Nebizade Hamdi Ülkümen

 

Officer Class

 

Mehmet Ragip Topala

Haji Feyzi Celayer

Omer Mumtaz Tanbi

Huseyin Gokcelik

Hasan Tahsin Surenkok

Naci Karaali

Mustafa Ibrisim

Hasan Tahsin Berk

Mehmet Emin Arkut

Ibrahim Hakki Akgun

Tahsin San

Nuzhet Saracoglu

Süleyman Sudi Acarbay

Sirri Ozata

Sevket Beyazit

Ismail Arslan

Hussein Husni

Ragip Intense

Mr. Rasul

Hamdi Yilmaz

Sadullah Eren

Sheikh Fikri Ergun

Vehbi Oztekin

Shoghi Goklevent

Yusuf Ziya Koçoglu

Enver Tekand

Haji Abdulvehap Omar

Mehmet chooses Vasfi

Hasim Apaydin

Abdülkadir Kemali Öğütçü

Ismet Eker

Yahya Galip Kargi

Esat Ozoguz

Resat Kayali

After Jacob

Hamdi Bozdag

Kadri Oktay

Tahsin Hudaioglu

Ziyaettin Basara

Dervish Ural

Mehmed Sirri Tayanc

Esat Onen

Nazim Resmor

Hasan Tahsin

Now Faik Akbay

Ibrahim Turhan Hamid

Mithat National

İzzet Eyuboglu

Necib Guven Pozan B.

Ethem Fehmi Arslanli

Emin Girdivan

Haji Ahmed Hamdi

Bilgin Hakki Ungan

Haci Ilyas Sami

Mus Haydar Vaner

Osman Kadri Bingol

Feyyaz Ali Top

Ata "Mehmet Ataullah"

Atay Riza Ersoy

Ibrahim Sureyya Yigit

Süleyman Sırrı İçöz.

 

Agricultural Grade

 

Ali Topcu

Ismail Safa Ozler

Mr. Hilmi

Mukhtar Idea Migration

Akif Sumer

Yusuf Ziya Eraydın Memed Dinc

November Grandpa

Ziya Esen Isfandiyaroglu

Riza Kotan

Sadik Mumcu

Omer Lütfi Unlu

Mustafa Tavaslioglu

Abdullah Carbine

Zülfi Tiğrel Hamdi (Mutevellioğlu)

Faik Bitch

Hasan Siddiq Haydari

We found Rustu

Kamil Mendanli

Ahmet Dakse

Bahri Tatlioglu

Osmanzade Hamdi Aksoy

Huseyin Aksu

Emin Sazak

Yasin Kutlug

Halil Ibrahim Gursoy

Ibrahim Yoruk

Ali Riza Ataman

Huseyin Celik

Haci Bekir Agha Euphrates

Haci Garip Agha Taner

Resit Agar

Ata Arslantogoz

Haci Mehmed Erten

Rustem Acar

Hasip Aksoyek

Rustu Bozkurt

Hamza Hayati Ozturk

 

Medical Officer

 

Esref Akman

Mustafa Darman

Asim Sirel

Adnan Adivar

Mazhar Germanic

Mustafa Bengisu

Refik Transparent

Suad Soyer

Fuat Umay

Fikret Onuralp

Tunali Hilmi

Mustafa Cantekin

Emin Erkul

Abidin Atak

Atif Kose

Tevfik Rustu Research

Ali Haydar

Riza Nur

 

Technical Work Class

 

Osman Server B. Ahıska

Numan (Master)

 

FLOWS OF IDEAS IN THE FIRST ASSEMBLY

The members of the First Assembly, who were all patriotic, all self-sacrificing, and were aware that they had a historical duty, were undoubtedly under the influence of the currents of thought that had settled in the country for a long time. These currents of ideas, which gained dominance and superiority from time to time, came from the centers of Islamism, Ottomanism and Turkism. In addition, there was a group, albeit small in number, that adhered to the "unconditional national sovereignty" thesis, besides the groups that considered the immunity of the caliphate and sultanate authorities mandatory. In the last century, Islam has been subjected to political interpretations. The source of these was the linking of a verse in the Qur'an to different interpretations. The meaning of this verse was: “There is nothing dry and wet that is not included in this book”.

There is no doubt that, in the eyes of true believers, this meant that the rules of faith and morals were fully contained in the Qur'an. However, for various reasons, this meaning was not discredited, and from time to time, very contradictory and very dangerous interpretations were made, such that some of the groups that wanted to use religion for political purposes wanted to use Islamism as a means to imperialist aims, and interpreted the presidents in the way of other political currents, so that the holy religion, politics wanted to be dragged along. Although there are no concepts of caliphate and sultanate in the Qur'an, these institutions were intended to be portrayed as an element of religion. Of course, there were those in the parliament who were inclined to this idea. In addition, there were those who felt the need for these authorities in terms of the general administration of the country.

Ottomanism had left its place to Turkism, especially after Ziya Gokalp. But it had its nuances. In addition to those who pursued the ideal of gathering all Turks under one flag, there were also those who wanted to unite the Turkish world spiritually and on the axis of common culture. The country had gained some experience in terms of First and Second Constitutional Monarchy trials, national sovereignty and democracy. But there were those who found the results of these experiences positive or negative. Finally, there were also differences in social and economic views. After the Russian Revolution, anti-imperialism and anti-capitalism movements had repercussions for us as well as all over the world. As a matter of fact, there was a significant divergence in ours and the Russians' view of anti-imperialism. Our anti-imperialism movement was first applied to ourselves, such that with the National Pact, our national borders were clearly defined, we had no other aspirations than this. However, the Soviet's anti-imperialism thesis was not valid for them. So much so that some non-Russian elements were forced into the borders of Russia. The same can be said for anti-capitalism. Although anti-capitalism in the Soviets was only against a group called capitalists, it was social in Turkey.

One focus of the debates in the First Assembly was the differences in Western worldview. According to an important part of the Assembly, turning to the West would “make us not who we are”. According to them, the Western worldview was not the property of humanity, but the property of one or two Western countries. In order to clarify this debate, which continues even today, we should say the following: The Western worldview is an event of modernization. The structure of this view includes the following elements.

1 — Traces of ancient cultures;

2 — The Renaissance movement, which expresses a quest for these cultures;

3 — The principles of freedom and equality that emerged with the Great French Revolution but will become the property of the world;

4 — XIX. The positive sciences that have been running from victory to victory, from conquest to conquest since the beginning of the century.

The sum of these is called modernity or the Western worldview. For Atatürk and those who think parallel to him, even if we gain our independence, it is not possible to preserve that victory without modernization. However, the opposing group is afraid of it. He thinks that our Turkishness and our Islam will suffer from this idea. They considered it unnecessary to take positive sciences from the West as the most dangerous exit. According to them, the verse we mentioned necessitated searching for all positive sciences in the Qur'an. Some groups went even further. For example, according to Mevlana, science is of two types. One is the information that a person can obtain in his health, which Mevlana calls material information. According to him, this information is deceptive and has no value. The real knowledge is spiritual and divine, which can only be obtained after death.

All these views naturally had their resonance in the First Assembly. We must say right away that these differences of opinion did not cast a shadow over the personality and sanctity of the First Assembly and the goodwill of the deputies. There was no question of betrayal. This was only a trace of the ideas and observations entrenched in the members of a nation that has a vast history. Those with a conservative mindset were against rapid modernization and formed the group of "preserving the sacred". One source of opposition in the parliament was as follows:

Mustafa Kemal had achieved the greatest success of our history. He defeated the enemy, liberated the country, achieved full independence, and abolished the capitulations. Of course, Mustafa Kemal, who was the leader of the great assembly, had a great share of honor in these tremendous achievements. Some deputies were worried that these honorable achievements, which are hard to reach for a human being, would lead to a dictatorship. Some opposition groups were establishing opposing groups against the main group, the Defense of the Law. They had one more pillar. In that case, Müdafaa-i Hukuk and the People's Party, which was born from it, did not have an exercise program. They argued the need to prepare such a program. That's why they were opposing.

It cannot be said that Mustafa Kemal reacted harshly to these differences of opinion. But he is the man who takes the voice of history. And he felt responsible for a historical task. For this reason, revolutionary breakthroughs were necessary, they had to be radical and had to be compressed as quickly as possible. When differences of opinion confronted this obligation, Mustafa Kemal's tolerance was coming to an end. For this reason, fate and history made it necessary to leave some of his friends, whom he loved and appreciated very much, with whom he started the National Struggle.

According to Mustafa Kemal, the new Turkish nationalism should be based on language and history and secularism. Those who found his views on this issue too radical constituted a separate opposition group. But the real and constant opposition was in the understanding of secularism. Atatürk understood this from secularism: Religion and politics should definitely be separated from each other.

According to the dissidents, religion should also be a guide to politics. Let's convey the attitude of Mustafa Kemal in these debates, most of which come from historical roots and whose traces are still seen in many minds today, from his own speeches in the Parliament:

GREAT WORKS OF THE I. ASSEMBLY

The number one resolution of the National Assembly, which held its first meeting on April 23, 1920 and whose name went down in history as the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, is as follows;

“It was decided that the Grand National Assembly of Turkey should be composed of the members who were infected with this tick and the members who joined the Istanbul Chamber of Deputies”.

Even at this first meeting, there were some discussions on the admission conditions for the deputies coming from Istanbul. However, it was decided to accept all the deputies who were able to leave the occupied Istanbul and come to Ankara in the end. The real debate is over the nature of this new Assembly. A law professor (Celalettin Arif), who was among the deputies coming from Istanbul, claimed that for the legitimacy of this Assembly, it was necessary to rely on a law. According to this person, there was no such provision in Turkish legislation. However, a provision in the French Constitution could be used. Accordingly, if the country was occupied and the Assembly was forcibly closed, the surviving deputies could come together to form a legitimate assembly. Some sincere conservatives argued that in order for such an assembly to be legitimate, it was necessary to obtain the consent of the person who was the caliph of the Muslims and the sultan of the nation. Atatürk was able to appease such people with unprecedented dexterity and said, “I tried to explain that the rules of Istanbul are not suitable for either public or private and private contact with the Sultan and the caliph. I asked what we wanted to understand with such a contact” and there is no need to inform that he is working to ensure the independence and integrity of the nation. Is it possible for the sultan and the caliph to think of anything else?3 I asked what we wanted to understand with such a contact” and there is no need to inform that he is working to ensure the independence and integrity of the nation. Is it possible for the sultan and the caliph to think of anything else?3 I asked what we wanted to understand with such a contact” and there is no need to inform that he is working to ensure the independence and integrity of the nation. Is it possible for the sultan and the caliph to think of anything else?3

Atatürk did not take such objections seriously. Because in his view, this new assembly was established with extraordinary powers and could take any decision on the way to salvation on behalf of the nation. And all the decisions to be taken would be legitimate. Mustafa Kemal understood this from extraordinary authority. This assembly had legislative, executive and even judicial powers. Although there would be independent courts, the parliament would also use its jurisdiction if necessary. As a matter of fact, there was an officer-u-mukamat committee among the commissions elected by the first assembly. This council would be able to prosecute and punish civil servants found guilty on behalf of the assembly. In addition, this assembly could and did establish Independence Courts with extraordinary powers from among its members. In this way, the Assembly gathers all the powers within itself. It could not have been otherwise under the extraordinary conditions of that day. In particular, the executive power was in the hands of the Assembly. However, it was immediately seen that it was not possible for a parliament to be composed of more than 300 members to fully exercise its executive power. Under this obligation, the Assembly took the following resolution number five on 25 April 1920. “It was decided to establish the Force of Executives.”

As a result of these decisions, on May 2, 1920, Law No. 3 on the copy of the Execution Agents was adopted.

The text of this law, which consists of four articles, is as follows:

“Article 1 — Seriye and Evkaf, Sıhhiye and Muavanet-i Ictimaiye, Economy (trade, industry, agriculture, forest and material), Education, Courthouse and Sect, Finance and Rüsumat ve Defter-i Hâkanî, Public Works, Internal Affairs (Safety-i Umumiye) The Grand National Assembly has an executive committee consisting of eleven individuals to deal with the affairs of the National Defense, Foreign Affairs, and General Staff.

Article 2 – Executive Deputies are chosen from among them with the majority of the Grand National Assembly.

Article 3- Every deputy may receive the opinion and consultation of the committee to which he belongs in the performance of the care he undertakes.

Article 4 – The Grand National Assembly settles the dispute that may arise between the Executive Deputies.

It seems that the new government will be a parliamentary government. Thus, all actions will be made in the name of the assembly.

It is also a novelty that the parliament becomes an arbitrator in the conflict between the ministers. Thus, the new assembly was established not according to a cabinet procedure, but according to the needs of the country at that time. Two new ministries are seen in this first cabinet. For the first time in Turkish history, a private ministry for health affairs was being established. And again, for the first time in our history, two ministries were being created for our defense affairs. Of these, the Ministry of Defense would take care of the equipment of the army, but the administration of the war would be given to a special ministry. This new ministry was called Erkan-ı Harbiye-i Umumiye. It can be guessed that there was a special reason for the separation of defense affairs into these two ministries in the conditions of that day. Atatürk, de facto to Colonel İsmet İnönü, who has been with him since his arrival in Ankara, He had entrusted the preparation of the military's strategic and tactical affairs. In those days, Fevzi Pasha also came to Ankara and joined the Assembly. It was also necessary to benefit from his authority and experience. Thus, the Ministry of Defense was given to him.

On September 5, 1920, the Assembly adopted another very remarkable law. The name of this law was “Nisâb-ı Nezakere Law”. And it was number 18. The provisions of this law were as follows.

Article 1 – The Grand National Assembly shall continue in accordance with the rules of law until the purpose of the caliphate and sultanate, which consists of the independence and independence of the homeland and nation, is fulfilled.

This first item was undoubtedly inspired by Atatürk, and this item is a living proof of Atatürk's timing genius. Atatürk had said in 1907 that he would abolish both the caliphate and the sultanate. But in 1907, this was not the case, and he had to take into account the aim of giving place to the caliphate and sultanate, to which the country was accustomed and to which he was devoted, and to save them among his goals of struggle. In those days, the majority of the nation was of this view.

Other articles of the law were as follows.

Article 2 – Unless the current amount of each member in the Grand National Assembly deigns below the amount determined by the law of initiation, the new member will not be charged for the vacancy that will occur. This clause was mandatory under the conditions of that day. The country could not be taken to elections often.

Article 3 – Those who do not attend the Assembly for 2 months a year without any excuse, and who do not attend the Assembly for two months, are deemed to be independent by the decision of the General Committee.

Article 4 – With the membership of the Grand National Assembly, civil service cannot be combined under the responsibility of one person. However, the meeting is permissible with the deputation of the delegation and the decision of the Grand National Assembly, with the parliamentary membership of the embassy, ​​army and corps commander posts.

Article 5 – The nisâb-ı negotiation is one more part of the committee, in terms of 5 members from each circle of intihabiya.

Article 6 – Allotment of 1250 liras for 4 months to members of the Grand National Assembly and a compensation of 100 liras each for those who attend the Assembly from the end of 4 months until the end of the period of social gathering.

Article 7 – The members of the Grand National Assembly are paid a perseverance and monthly allowance over 4000 kuruş, only once a year.

Article 8 – Members of the Istanbul Chamber of Deputies who joined the Grand National Assembly are given a compensation of 100 liras in each city as of the date of their joining.

The text of this law bearing the number 47, a law amending the law on the election of ministers on the 4th day of November of the same year, is as follows:

Article 1 – Article 2 of the law on the copy of the Grand National Assembly Executive Deputies, berveç-i ati has been amended.

Article 2 – The Chief Executive Officers of the Grand National Assembly will definitely be appointed in accordance with the aspirations to be nominated by the members of the assembly.

With this law, on the one hand, the election of the minister was prevented due to the dispersion of the votes, and on the other hand, the authority of the speaker of the parliament was increased. Thus, the head of the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal, became the head of both the government, the state and the parliament. The conditions of that day necessitated such a concentration of authority.

Now we come to the Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Kanunu, one of the most important works of the First Assembly. This was de facto the first constitution of our new state. Its date is 20.1.1921, its number is 85. We quote this historical text in kind:

Article 1 – Sovereignty unconditionally belongs to the nation. The method of administration is based on the fact that the people themselves and actually manage their destiny.

Article 2 – Executive power and legislative power appear and centralize in the Grand National Assembly, which is the only and true representative of the nation.

Article 3 – The Turkish state is proposed by the Grand National Assembly and the government bears the name of the Grand National Assembly Government.

Article 4 – The Grand National Assembly is composed of members elected by the people of the provinces.

Article 5 – Election of the Grand National Assembly is held every 2 years. The membership period of the elected members consists of two years, but it is permissible to be re-elected. The old committee continues to work until the new committee meets. If it is not possible to hold a new election, it is permissible to extend the meeting period for only one year. Each of the members of the Grand National Assembly is not also a deputy of the province that elected him, but is the representative of the general nation.

Article 6 – The general assembly of the Grand National Assembly convenes without invitation at the beginning of November.

Article 7 – Fundamental rights such as the implementation of Sharia provisions, making, amending, and abolishing all laws, making peace, and declaring the defense of the homeland belong to the Grand National Assembly. In making laws and establishing regulations, fiqh and law provisions, manners and treatments in accordance with the practice of the people and the needs of the time are taken as basis. The authority and responsibility of the Council of Ministers are specified by a special law.

Article 8 – The Grand National Assembly administers the chambers to which the government is separated, by means of deputies elected in accordance with the special law. The Assembly determines the direction of the deputies in terms of execution and changes them when necessary.

Article 9 – The president elected by the General Assembly of the Grand National Assembly is the chairman of the Grand National Assembly during an election period. In this capacity, it is authorized to sign on behalf of the Assembly and to approve the decisions of the Council of Ministers. The delegation of Executive Deputies elects one of them as their chairman, but the Minister of the Grand National Assembly is also the chairman of the council of deputies.

Management:

Article 10 – Turkey is divided into provinces and provinces into districts in terms of geographical situation and economic relations, and districts are formed from sub-districts.

Provinces:

Article 11 – Provinces have moral personality and autonomy in local affairs. Foundations, madrasahs, education, health, economics, agriculture, public works and social affairs, in accordance with the laws to be enacted by the Grand National Assembly, with the exception of foreign and domestic politics, judicial and military affairs, international economic relations, the general proposals of the government, and the benefits extending to more than one province. The regulation and execution of aid works are within the jurisdiction of provincial councils.

Article 12 – Provincial councils are composed of members elected by the people of the province. The meeting period of provincial councils is two years. The meeting period is two months a year.

Article 13 – It elects a chairman who will be the executive chief among the members of the provincial council and a board of directors to be formed from members who are responsible for managing various branches. The executive power belongs to this committee, which is permanent.

Article 14 – There is a governor in the province to be the deputy and representative of the Grand National Assembly. The governor is elected by the government of the Grand National Assembly. Its duty is to see the general and common duties of the state. The governor intervenes only when there is a difference between the general duties of the state and the local duties.

District:

Article 15 – The district is only an administrative and disciplinary department and does not have a moral personality. Supervision is given to a district governor, appointed by the Government of the Grand National Assembly, under the command of the governor. parish:

Article 16 – Bucak is a spiritual personality with autonomy in his private life.

Article 17 – The parish has a council, a board of directors and a manager.

Article 18 – The parish council consists of members directly elected by the people of the parish.

Article 19 – The board of directors and the district manager are elected by the parish council.

Article 20 – The sub-district council and the administrative committee have judicial, economic and financial powers, and their degrees are determined by a special law.

Article 21 – A town is a parish, just as a parish is made up of one or more villages.

General Inspectorate:

Article 22 – Provinces are united in terms of their economic and social relations, and the general inspectorate is formed into the district.

Article 23 – Inspectors general are assigned the task of ensuring public order in the general inspection zones, supervising the operations of the general offices and arranging the harmony in the common affairs of the provinces in their region. General inspectors constantly audit the general duties of the state and the duties and decisions of local administrations.

Special Item:

This law enters into force on the date of its publication. However, the Grand National Assembly still convened, the negotiation quorum dated September 5, 1336, as it was sent in the first article of the law, will always be together until it reaches its purpose, so the 4th and 5th articles of this Organization Law will determine the number of members of today's Grand National Assembly. If it is decided by a 3/2 majority, it will come into force only after the new election.

ENSURING PEACE AND STABILITY INSIDE

Towards the end of World War I, some of those who returned from military service in an atmosphere of despair and exhaustion could not start a positive job due to severe poverty, and some of them due to lack of peace and security, and surrender themselves to fate. Others formed small groups and made raids on towns and villages. In the days when the National Struggle began, the activities of these groups increased significantly. These men, with names such as efe and zeybek, who gathered five or ten people per head, opposed the state authority, which was close to zero, in the occupied provinces and districts, and raids were constantly carried out. Some of them were fighting against foreign occupation forces on a small scale, while others just wanted to look like that. Thus, there was no trace of peace and order in the country.

Atatürk, who came and settled in Ankara after the Erzurum and Sivas Congresses, had almost no military power under his command. However, the invading enemies were increasing their attacks. As a document and memory of this sad manifestation, I present the following observation:

“One day after the victory, my friend and colleague Dr. I am in the presence of Atatürk with Fuat Umay. Fuat Bey was trying to maintain order in the Bolu region at the beginning of the National Struggle. While talking about those days, Fuat Bey said to Pasha,

- My Pasha was going to say that in those difficult days, I asked you for a squad of soldiers against the rebels, you did not send them, Atatürk gave a bitter and true answer to this:

— “Oh my child, there was not a troop of soldiers under my command in those days.”

In those days and under these conditions, the efes, who provided the support or obligatory trust of the Law Enforcement Associations in the provinces and districts, were expanding their arbitrary movements. As there was no state force at hand, and there was no opportunity to recruit soldiers, it became necessary for a while to make use of what seemed reasonable behavior from these efe groups. These efes were divided into two, a few of them supported or seemed to support the national movement under the leadership of Atatürk. Some of them took an attitude of being loyal to the authority of the caliphate. That's why they collided with each other. Among these efe groups, Circassian Ethem was the most powerful in terms of cost and equipment. He supported the National Struggle and enjoyed Atatürk's sympathy when he appeared to fight against the occupying forces. However, this only increased his audacity and arrogance. When they came to Ankara, Atatürk was putting the vehicle, which was the only car in Ankara at that time, under his command. However, his arrogance was increasing. He had delusions of being a dictator. He started making threats when his wishes were not fulfilled. In the days when this fury reached its peak, he had such a crazy audacity to say in a message he sent to Ankara that he would hang Mustafa Kemal on one side of the parliament's door and İsmet Pasha on the other side. This rebel group was not limited to the Circassian Ethem. In many parts of the country, these groups were harassing the people and the people found them more cruel than the occupation forces. Of course, the Greeks knew this disastrous situation and they were advancing in Anatolia. Thus, perhaps the most dangerous period in our history had begun. On the one hand, it was necessary to stop the Greek advance, on the other hand, it was necessary to eliminate the rebel forces, especially the Circassian Ethem, which increased their arrogance. In this regard, Mustafa Kemal succeeded in providing the devoted support of the Law Enforcement Associations. Before our first İnönü attack began, it was necessary to direct some of the national forces against Çerkez Ethem. This move was successful with the help and sacrifice of İsmet İnönü. After the Çerkez Ethem group was eliminated, the first blow was dealt to the enemy in İnönü. This move was successful with the help and sacrifice of İsmet İnönü. After the Çerkez Ethem group was eliminated, the first blow was dealt to the enemy in İnönü. This move was successful with the help and sacrifice of İsmet İnönü. After the Çerkez Ethem group was eliminated, the first blow was dealt to the enemy in İnönü.

Thanks to the organization of the Grand National Assembly and its government, efforts to establish a regular national army were started gradually. It was one of the most difficult missions in history. But Mustafa Kemal's, i. It has been achieved with the self-sacrifice and patriotism of the Assembly and the Defense of the Law Associations. This is undoubtedly one of the greatest and most honorable achievements of Atatürk and the Assembly.

NATIONAL VICTORIES

The national victories, which once again indicated the military genius of Mustafa Kemal after Çanakkale, went down in military and political history with the names İnönü, Sakarya and Dumlupınar.

It is beyond the scope and authority of this article to describe the military aspect of these victories. However, this much can be said. These wars and these victories are wars of destiny. It is the fateful wars that decide whether a nation will exist or not. In these wars, the genius of Mustafa Kemal appears in two directions.

1 - Not to take any decisive action until the national power is fully gathered, and to risk even the loss of land, with all its consequences, if necessary.

2 — To act in accordance with a radical and modern strategy in these wars. As a matter of fact, it's time to move our army away from the strategic centers and to give our army the opportunity to gather and regroup, as it was before the Sakarya War. dare to withdraw. Although this decision seemed like a retreat, it was a heroism that only a genius like Atatürk could afford. Because some Assembly groups, who were not able to know the necessity of military service well, turned into rebellion and outburst, and they cried out "Where are we going". In those days, the transfer of the Assembly from Ankara to Kayseri was also considered. Those who adhered to the classical strategy did not realize that this draw was the most successful war game, and considered it a final defeat. While Mustafa Kemal, as the commander-in-chief of the army, was preparing the army for the victories that he was sure to come, on the other hand, he used all his eloquence to calm this inner panic. Especially in the First Great Struggle, İnönü Wars, the difficulty was not only that the enemy was superior in strength. Behind the Greek army was England, and almost all of Western Europe. Against this, Turkey had to fight on two fronts. On the one hand, to at least slow down the advance of the Greek army, on the other hand, to suppress the internal revolts that broke out in almost half of the country. It has been time, it was necessary to allocate more forces from the main front against these rebellions. In this situation where there is every reason for despair, Mustafa Kemal and the majority of the Assembly stood like a fortress. In Inonu Wars, İsmet İnönü, who defeated the unfortunate fortune of the nation, gave a proof that the national struggle would win a decisive victory. But of course, this success was not a definitive victory. Much more preparation was needed to destroy the enemy in the sanctuary of the homeland. Knowing this very well, Mustafa Kemal continued his preparations against the inside and outside with a superhuman strength.

Sakarya Victory, XVII. It has put a definite end to our draw that has been going on for a century. With this victory, not only the Greeks but also the whole world saw that the Turks ended the draw. Thus, our army, having completed its preparations, dealt the enemy a decisive and final blow at Dumlupınar with a field battle of destruction on 30 August 1922.

Thus, the proud Greek armies were destroyed, their Commander-in-Chief was taken prisoner and the liberation of the homeland was completed. The Commander-in-Chief of this tremendous victory was Mustafa Kemal, the front commander was İsmet İnönü, and the Chief of the General Staff was Fevzi Çakmak. All three of them are eternal in history like this victory.

There is no doubt that Mustafa Kemal is the brain and driving force in this tremendous victory.

Lausanne

If an example is sought to win great victories and compile the fruits of these in accordance with the grandeur of that victory, this is undoubtedly the Treaty of Lausanne. The result declared by Mustafa Kemal and the Assembly from the very beginning was reached almost completely with this treaty. To reiterate, our national aim, which was declared from the beginning, was to finally ensure the borders of the National Pact, to realize our independence fully, and to be independent not only in politics but also in economic, financial, judicial, in short, in all aspects when it comes to full independence.

After the great victory, it could be hoped that these aims could be achieved naturally and easily in Lausanne. But the enemies have secret accounts. They did not want to sacrifice their imperialist ambitions. It was especially difficult for them to give up the capitulations they used to taste. However, eliminating the capitulations in a way that will never come back was as important as our territorial integrity. The Entente Powers had dictated all their wishes to the states that lost the First World War with us. They forgot that the new Turkey was not the continuation of the defeated Ottoman Empire, which had won a national victory. The biggest difficulty in Lausanne came from this difference of opinion. In other words, İsmet Pasha, who was conducting the negotiations on behalf of Turkey, was determined, decisive, and extremely smart. He was unsurpassed in using the enemy's weapons against the enemy. This conflict was so fierce that İnönü showed the courage and decision to leave the negotiation for a while. Finally, the Entente Powers, who realized that they would not force Turkey, which was newly born and getting stronger day by day, had to sign a peace treaty in Lausanne on 23 July. With this treaty, Turkey did not accept its main ambitions. The sacrifice made consisted of leaving the lands of Hatay and Kirkuk and the status of the Straits to new conferences.

Lausanne has been one of the longest lasting treaties in history. The most important point was the final abolition of the capitulations. The enemies found solace in their defeat. Anyway, as Turkey got financially stuck, it would go to the door of the enemies to beg, and they would get back the capitulations in return for the debt they would give. İnönü's historical response to this was as follows. “We will not come to your door, if we come, take it back”. There was also an important discussion on one issue. The enemies did not trust Turkey's judicial system. However, Turkey, of its own free will, has given a definite answer to all these hesitations by accepting the modern legal system.

It seems that the first constitution of our new national state was put forward 9 months after the opening of the parliament. Article 1 of this law refers to a republic that has not yet been named. Sovereignty, with the term Atatürk has used for a long time, "unconditionally" belongs to the nation. In the second article of this constitution, it is stated that the parliament is not only a legislative body but also an executive organ. This was a necessity brought by a new establishment period and it was a necessity to gather all the forces in the hands of the parliament in order to achieve liberation in the conditions of the country at that time. Atatürk, who had always been a legitimist, had legitimately gathered the powers necessary for the destiny of the country, as the president, who was elected by the free votes of the parliament based on this article.

When the 7th article of the Constitution is read carefully, it gives the appearance of a window opened towards secularism, whose name has not yet been mentioned. In this article, although religious principles are brought to the fore, the opportunity for modernization in law making is prepared with the phrase "provisions suitable for the needs of the time". Article 8 indicates that the new provisions will be a “government of parliament”. That is, the ministers will organize the executive on behalf of the assembly.

In this constitution, there are provisions that were entered platonically as a result of the currents in the parliament, but were not implemented quickly. In this context, for example, a provincial council is mentioned in Article 11. According to the text, this council will have the authority to regulate all the affairs of the province. This is certainly not the general provincial assemblies we know. Similarly, Article 16 includes the provision that sub-districts should have autonomy. This is a provision that was not implemented in those days, and that it is not possible to apply it today.

With the individual article of the new constitution, it is emphasized that the current Grand National Assembly is constantly in meeting. Therefore, it is determined that the 4th, 5th and 6th articles regarding the parliamentary holidays will be applied in the next assemblies period after the liberation. 1. One of the important works of the Assembly is the law numbered 244, which it adopted on 8.7.1922. According to this law, the Chief Executive Officer, namely the prime minister and ministers, will be elected by the assembly and among its members by secret ballot. If the chief executive is also a minister, he will be able to protect this ministry. If one of the Ministers has to leave his office temporarily, the deputy to replace him will be elected by the Grand National Assembly. These provisions show once again the importance that the 1st Assembly attaches to retaining all powers.

Now we give the text of an extremely important decision taken by the Assembly; The date of this decision is 30.10.1922 and its number is 307. “Since the Ottoman Empire is disobedient and the Grand National Assembly Government is formed, and the new Turkish government is substituting for the Ottoman Empire and its new heir within the national frontier, and since the Law of the Organization of the Constitution, the ruler of the law is given to the soul of the nation, Istanbul will not be condemned. that the sultanate in the Ottoman Empire is independent and historical and that there is no legitimate government in Istanbul and that the administration of Istanbul and its environs belongs to the Grand National Assembly, and that the administration of those places is entrusted to the officials of the Grand National Assembly, and that the right of the Turkish government is the legitimate authority of the caliphate. It was decided that he would save him from the foreigners he was with.”

Finally, the Assembly abolished the sultanate with the decision numbered 308 on 1.11.1922. We give this historical decision with its original text: “After several centuries of ignorance and debauchery of the palace and the Sublime Porte, the Turkish nation, which was the foundation and owner of the Ottoman Empire, was the Turkish nation at a time when the state, after being shaken up by perseverance disasters, finally passed into history. In Turkey, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and its government, their armies, together with the external enemies, the palace and the Porte, who both stood up against their external enemies and united with those enemies and took action against the nation, fought against the palace and the Sublime Porte, in de facto and in the known difficulties and difficulties. He entered the struggle in deprivation of my hand and reached today's day of halas. When the Turkish nation saw the treachery of the palace and the Sublime Porte, it issued the Teşkilât-ı Esasiye Kanunu, taking the sovereignty from the sultan with its first article, and gave its executive and legislative powers to its seven powers with its second article. With the 7th article, like the declaration of war and the peace agreement, all the rule of law has gathered in the soul of the nation. Therefore, since then, the old Ottoman Empire has passed into history and a new and national Turkish State has been replaced by a new and national Turkish State, and since then the sultanate has been established and the Turkish Grand National Assembly has been replaced by it. In other words, the delegation in Istanbul today does not possess any legitimate and illegal force or national support to protect its existence, and is in a state of betrayal. People,

And yet, we are stunned to see that those who worked with the enemies in Istanbul talk about el'an law-u caliphate, sultanate and law-u dynasty. A document as strange and bizarre as Tevfik Pasha's telegram has rarely been seen in history. Therefore, the Grand National Assembly of Turkey decided to publish the bervechiati material.

1 — With the Teşkilat-ı Esasiye Law, the people of Turkey can be represented and actively exploited in the personality of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, which is the real representative of the rule of law and sovereignty, as incapable of abandonment, incarceration and abandonment. i Since it has decided not to recognize any forces and delegations that do not rely on the Milliye, it does not recognize any form of government other than the Turkish Grand National Assembly within the boundaries of the National Pact. Consequently, the people of Turkey have considered the government, which is based on personal sovereignty, to be history since 16 March 1920 and forever.

2 — The caliphate belongs to the Hanedan-ı Âl-i Osman and the caliphate is appointed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly, which is the wise and morally proficient and well-to-do person of this dynasty.

The State of Turkey is the support of the authority of the caliphate.

FINAL REPUBLIC ANNOUNCEMENT

On 29.10.1923, the Grand National Assembly adopted Law No. 364, amending the first article of the current Constitution. With this law, the regime of national sovereignty already existing in the current Constitution was only given the name and declared the Republic.

On the same day, with the decision numbered 30 adopted on 29.10.1923, the election of the President was started and Gazi Mustafa Kemal was elected as the first President as expected without hesitation.

Thus, our nation's centuries-old, patient, suffering, but hopeless expectation has come true on the stage of history.

1 Sadi Irmak, Atatürk (Opening of an Age), 1986, p. 2

2 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk and the History of the Republic of Turkey, 1983 Ankara

3 Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Atatürk, 1961 p. 86