The meeting of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha with his wife, Latife Hanım, in Adana. (15.03.1923)

Photo source: A A M Gazi Mustafa Kemal'in Hayatı, Hüseyin Tosun. ISBN: 975-16-1620-4. Sayfa: 289

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The meeting of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha with his wife, Latife Hanım, in Adana. (March 15, 1923)

WELCOME TO ADANA

Adana, 15 March 1923

Atatürk came to Adana for the first time after the victory in İzmir. They were able to forcibly separate those who vowed to face the dust of their feet, that young, humble savior came to the government office to greet this ecstatic ecstatic public, and after a while they were returning to their homes. When they were halfway down the stairs, we saw a peasant woman with an armful of yellow flowers climbing the stairs, panting and leaping.

Gazi Mustafa Kemal stopped, the peasant woman came up to him. With an indescribable admiration, she fell into his eyes and for a while did not move from her place in this distraction, then with love and longing in a mother's voice:

-"Oh my goofy boy! I've been waiting for your way like a madman. I plucked these flowers for you from my field, bow your head! Let me kiss your golden yellow hair... This is my dedication, don't see what I hope for..."

A look of contentment and joy spread over the young commander's face, he bent his head towards him. The peasant woman pressed this yellow head on the yellow flowers in her bosom, smelled it and kissed it. Then, laying the yellow daffodils under his feet:

"My offering has found its place, big valiant, the gold you hold, your sword is sharp, may all your wishes come true." said.

This peasant woman was our front-line mate "Sultan Mother".

Ferit Celal Guven

Source: Atatürk’ten Anılar, Kemal Arıburnu, İnkılap Kitapevi 1998. ISBN: 975-10-1392-5 Sayfa:110-111

Adana, 15 March 1923

At Adana Darüleytami (Orphans School)

Mustafa Kemal Pasha visited Darüleytam in the Istasyon district in the evening. He loved the orphans there, and got information about them by asking questions to the relevant people.

When he saw the children of Darüleytam, who were waiting for the arrival of the guests in the wide courtyard of the school, he gave the following directive to the relevant people on the upper floor:

" My dear, why are you holding these children like that, let them play. "

He shouted from above, not waiting for the people running downstairs to come down and scatter from the boy:

" Come on, my children, hop, play. "

His Excellency Pasha left the school promising a great help to the concerned.

Source: A A M Atatürk’te Çocuk Sevgisi, Cemil Sönmez, 2004 Yılı, ISBN: 975-16-1746-4, Sayfa: 62

III

FORTY CENTURIES TURKISH DORMITORY

On the 15th Sunday of March 1923, on foot, among a crowd of people in the apocalypse of Gazi, and between the dense human wall stretching from Adana Station to the city on both sides, on foot, with applause, rosebanks (prayer said in one voice) and joyful displays of joy. After explaining the progress…

…When we got to the middle of the road, the scene suddenly changed. Out of a cluster of women, all dressed in black like a mourning symbol, four girls, two of each, suddenly stood in the middle of the road. These two plates bore the names of Antakya and Iskenderun, and the plates were telling the Great Savior to be saved in them.

…Another girl came in front of the four girls who were carrying two tablets. A cute 18 year old girl is giving a speech. There is no paper in his hand, there is no slip in his tongue, there is no pretense in his demeanor, we listen to the speech that comes from the soul and goes to the souls.

A five-minute speech; but it wasn't a speech, it was a sob in the form of words. He wasn't speaking, he was moaning. This child from Antakya is not a girl, but a voiced spirit of those towns that were separated from the homeland. She was a weeping and weeping spirituality of those towns.

(After being told that everyone is crying uncontrollably…)

The girl who had pleaded with the Great Savior to "save" was silent. Now all eyes are on the Savior. We are waiting for what he will say. I don't know if his eyes were moist, too, whether it was ours or not, he looked up at the sky for a moment, his eyes gleaming with the blue of a rain-washed sunlit sky; It was as if he had hunted his word from the sky. He said the following in a tone that made one feel like he was coming down from the sky at that moment.

“Forty centuries old Turkish homeland cannot remain in the hands of foreigners.”

“What did he say that he did not do? Not saying it cannot be done and doing what it says: Iskenderun and Antakya, you are ours and will be ours.”

The Chief's answer, with those words of the girl from Antakya, looks like a flag at the very beginning of the Hatay case. The case ended in victory. But how did we win the victory?

The patient jumped out of his bed, dressed in the Commander-in-Chief uniform; The patient jumps on the train, the patient goes to the lands near Hatay to prove that he is not sick. To the lands he said 16 years ago "Forty centuries old Turkish land cannot remain in foreign hands" .

After inspecting those lands for days, he stood for exactly four hours and had his army parade. Is he sick? What sick? The man standing for four hours with the stamina of a statue…

İsmail Habib Sevuk ends this talk as follows:

Hawaii was saved. But who saved Hatay?

The case is victorious, the liver is exhausted, and the Chief is in bed, never to get up again.

“Hatay, Hatay!... It was your martyr who saved you at the same time.”

Source: Together with Atatürk, İsmail Habib Sevuk, Prepared by; Lütfü Tınç, İşbank Cultural Publications, 1st Edition June 2008, ISBN: 978-9944-88-384-9. Pages: 25-27

ATATURK AND HATAY

ENTRANCE

In the course of history, the two issues that occupied Mustafa Kemal the most always draw attention: one is the future of the Turkish nation, the other is the Turkish homeland. These two issues lie at the heart of Atatürk's lifelong struggles. Since childhood, Mustafa Kemal has lived with the excitement of inaccessible love of country and country. He has always combined his very good knowledge of history and geography with the logic of reason and experimentation, and has reached the highest of achievements. This shows his superior geopolitical thinking, he is a farsighted calculus; looks at things from a very broad perspective; there is certainty in his interpretations; their decisions are based on very fundamental foundations; constantly reads; He/she determines his/her purpose very well before he/she starts his/her work. It neither stops nor retreats in the face of an obstacle; he walks with great determination to quickly overcome them in his own unique ways. Time seems to be in the palm of your hand; sees things before they happen; He has a unique genius for turning them to his advantage. When we investigate the Hatay problem in the light of these thoughts, we see that Atatürk reached a happy conclusion after some struggles. Just to make it easier to explain, we can say that these struggles took place in five periods:

FIRST PERIOD: The period from 1905 to 1917

SECOND PERIOD: The period from the Armistice of Mudros to the National Struggle

THIRD PERIOD: National Pact

FOURTH TERM: Lausanne

FIFTH PERIOD: Republican era

This division is the triangulation points of the Hatay problem in Atatürk's life.

FIRST PERIOD: Atatürk and Hatay from 1905 to 1917

Saying, "... Life is just beginning for us,"1 Mustafa Kemal departs for Beirut on a ferry from Istanbul. From there he goes to Damascus. He was appointed to the army there with the rank of staff captain; more precisely, he is in exile.

The husband sees that the Ottoman Empire will be torn apart by enemy states. According to him, it does not seem possible for the Empire, which is about to collapse, to be kept alive with the “Ottomanism policy”. He read the French Revolution very well. He has connected the causes and effects very well, he knows very well what the revolution brought. He is sure that the wind of nationalism that this Revolution has blown on the earth will turn into a hurricane in a short time. According to Mustafa Kemal, not seeing, not knowing and not understanding this fast and effective trend is to live unaware of the world.

It seeks and thinks about solutions for the future of the nation and country. He came to the conclusion that the only way out could be a revolution. He met with his friends and established the "Vatan ve Hürriyet Cemiyeti" for this purpose. Even before he came to Damascus, he had said in Istanbul: “The most suitable climate for this job is Macedonia”2. With this view, he secretly goes to Thessaloniki. He also founded the “Vatan ve Hürriyet Cemiyeti” in Thessaloniki. On his return to Thessaloniki, before going to Damascus for an artillery internship, he said to his friends in Beirut: “The case is to bring out a Turkish State first from an empire that is about to collapse”3. After a while, he was appointed to the army in Thessaloniki. The Vatan ve Hürriyet Cemiyeti, which he founded, merged with the "İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti" and became the "Progress and İttihat Cemiyeti" with this merger.

In fact, the notables of the Committee of Union and Progress did not think of a revolution; they only aimed at the proclamation of constitutionalism. They concentrated their efforts on this point. However, Mustafa Kemal told his friends on various occasions that this could only happen with a revolution, and he tried to suggest it. As a matter of fact: “... Constitutionalism should not be placed on the outdated and unstable Ottoman Empire, but on the part where the Turkish majority lived; Instead of a liquidation by its enemies, namely the great powers, the Revolutionary Administration should establish a Turkish State on its own.” He defines the borders of the Turkish State he thinks to be established as follows: “... Western and Eastern Thrace must remain with us... The border of Edirne province must expand towards the north, into Bulgaria... Albania must be independent... The islands close to the Anatolian coasts must remain with us... Hatay, Aleppo and Mosul in the south must be ours... The rest should be left to the Arabs.” 4 As can be seen, Mustafa Kemal, as early as 1905, determines and defends that Hatay is a Turkish region in terms of history and geography; Thus, he made it clear that his people were Turks.

The famous report he gave to the General Headquarters of the Ottoman Armies in 1917, when the Commander of the Seventh Army was on the Southern Front, is still worth reading as an example today. It is clear to him that the First World War will end in defeat. That is why, in his famous report, Mustafa Kemal Pasha said: “Our military policy should be a defense policy and a policy of keeping the forces we have and a single soldier until the last moment. This policy cannot tolerate the fact that a single Ottoman soldier stays outside the country”5.

The basic idea that he proposed to his friends at the end of 1905 was "The Turkish State to be built on the mostly Turkish regions". The whole issue is that the lands within the integrity of Anatolia, in terms of geography and history, are within the borders of the state to be established; The Turks should never be divided for any reason or excuse. As a matter of fact, to Ali Cenani Bey, who was going to Antep between October 26-28: “... Form an organization. Build a national force. Defend yourself. I will give you the weapon you want”6.

SECOND PERIOD: From the Armistice of Mudros to the National Struggle

As it is known, with the defeat of Germany and its allies, the First World War had ended. The Ottoman Empire also accepted the sharing of the empire by signing the Armistice of Mudros on October 30, 1918. From this point on, the events developed as follows: Mustafa Kemal Pasha had a meeting with the Minister of War, Enver Pasha, on August 18, 1918, while he was in Istanbul before. In this meeting, Enver Pasha rejected Mustafa Kemal Pasha's offer to "... Withdraw the armies by leaving the Arab lands..." 7 but on the contrary, as seen in the course of the events, the Supreme Commander's Headquarters is still in the defense of the Arab lands, at the expense of the military power being destroyed. insists. Finally, the army withdrew to Aleppo in the face of enemy pressure. Mustafa Kemal Pasha leaves Aleppo by fighting street battles. He pulls the army to the Al Husniye - Helan line north of Aleppo. The troops finally protected the Iskenderun - Belah - Dircemal - Tefrifat line. On October 28, Antakya “Hatay” is within this line. 9 This is an extremely important date for the future of Hatay in the Armistice of Mudros signed on 30 October.

Liman Von Sanders, the German general, who became the Commander of the Yıldırım Army Group on October 31, 1918, said: “From today on, I leave the command and command of the Yıldırım Army Group to His Excellency Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who has shown himself in many battles, full of pride”10. turns on the control. In the meeting, after the German General said: "We are defeated, everything is over for us", Mustafa Kemal Pasha: "The war may be over for our allies. But the war that concerns us, the war of our own independence, begins only now.”11

On the one hand, the Chairman of the Mudros Armistice Delegation, the late Rauf Orbay, told reporters: “The armistice we made is above our hopes. The independence of the state, the law of the Sultanate, the honor of the nation have been completely saved.”12 On the other hand, Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who received the full text of the Armistice of Mudros on November 3, said: “After examining this Armistice from the beginning to the end, my opinion was as follows: The Great Ottoman Empire agreed to surrender itself to the enemies unconditionally with this armistice. He not only agreed, but also promised to help him in the invasion of his country by the enemies." “... I saw the crippling of the armistice. Believing that it is necessary to try to fix these crippled points, I told the relevant authorities. Although this armistice is applied as it is, I put forward the opinion that the country will be subjected to occupation and invasion from beginning to end”. Thus, he begins to fight again.

On November 3, 1918, he sent a cipher telegram from Adana to Grand Vizier Ahmet İzzet Pasha to explain some of the provisions of the Armistice of Mudros. In this: “... The article about the occupation of the Taurus tunnels by the allies must be clarified. Tunnels called Taurus tunnels are the two most recently opened tunnels. Are they the only ones to be occupied? Does the nature of the occupation also include the operation of the line in that section? Or will it just be a containment device? Are the Amanos tunnels, which constitute a completely separate group, in this area? What is the amount of force that will hold the Taurus tunnels and where will it come from? “Although considering the Syrian border as the northern border of our province of Syria, it should be reported if there is another point of view and decision on this issue”, “...

Thus, as Mustafa Kemal told the German General, he started to prepare for the struggle of the Turkish State he was considering to establish. Hatay is also within the scope of this struggle; because he is Turkish. It is Turkish with its history; it is Turkish with its geography; people are also Turkish with their customs and traditions.

Mustafa Kemal's correspondence with the Grand Vizier goes on and on; because he is very sensitive in matters of homeland and nation; never compromises. On November 5, the Commander-in-Chief of the Commander-in-Chief said to the Military Academy: “... The fact that the British have been talking about landing soldiers in Iskenderun for a few days and about the accumulation of supplies for the supply of their forces there, while there were millions of provisions in Aleppo, is because Iskenderun is located on the borders of Syria and Cilicia on the map showing the Cilicia region. ” Sends 15 cipher telegrams.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, while continuing his warnings, on the other hand, focuses on the thoughts and measures of resistance. As a matter of fact, on November 5, he called General Ali Fuat Cebesoy from Katma to Adana; He offers to fight, saying to himself: “... From now on, the nation must seek and defend its own rights, and we must show this way as much as possible and help together with the army”16.

Meanwhile, the Grand Vizier insists on fulfilling the wishes of the British. In fact, there is talk of the gentlemanliness shown by the British Delegate in the armistice. Thereupon, Mustafa Kemal Pasha sends the following telegram to the Office of the Commander-in-Chief, dated 6 November: “The aim is not to supply the British army in Aleppo, but to occupy Iskenderun; By moving through the Iskenderun - Kirikhan - Katma road, by cutting the withdrawal line of the 7th Army on the Antakya - Dircemal - Ahterin line and putting this army in a situation where it cannot be avoided to surrender to the 6th Army as it did in Mosul... ”, “... I submit that I am far from the courtesy of understanding and appreciating the courtesy of the British executive officer and on the other hand, the submission of the cemile in this manner...”, “... The fact that the British, who will attempt to land soldiers in Iskenderun for whatever reason and pretext, are resisted with fire. .. "... I would like the person you will appoint to be sent as soon as possible, since the British will show the seductive treatment, offers and actions of the British more respectful and courteous than the British, and on the other hand, since it is not possible for me to properly implement the orders, which will be presented with due diligence." 17

Finally, on 8 November, Grand Vizier Izzet Pasha, in the face of the British invasion threatening Iskenderun, sent Mustafa Kemal Pasha's telegram: “... In case of an application, it is necessary to notify those who require the evacuation and surrender of the city. It is essential for the safety of the country that this weakness of ours is taken into account and that your words and actions are adapted to it, provided that we do not show slackness. Mustafa Kemal Pasha: “... I know very well the extent of our weakness and weakness. However, I maintain the opinion that it will be necessary to determine and limit the degree of self-sacrifice that the state is obliged to do. Otherwise, it is for the Ottoman Empire in history to bestow the results that the British can achieve with our own help, since they will be completely defeated if they continue the war until the end, allied with Germany. In particular, it creates a black page for our current government... In particular, it has been well known by His Sâmîs that I sincerely request that it is not inclined to be considered as an argument. I am not able to prevent my soul from following my views, which I am convinced to be true and whose help I accept for the sake of the country's peace, for the sake of the country's safety, no matter what state or condition I am incapable of.

As seen in these events and correspondence, Mustafa Kemal Pasha was extremely sensitive, daring and self-sacrificing in the regions where Turks were the majority. In the duties for which he is responsible, he resists by accepting that the right is essential on the parts of the country. He considers himself to be faced with the heaviest obligation against the Turks and the Turkish homeland.

THIRD PERIOD: National Pact

As it is known, on May 19, 1919, Mustafa Kemal Pasha landed in Samsun. "Either independence or death!" He starts the National Struggle. It also announces the seriousness of the business to the world with the Amasya Circular, in which the phrase "... the determination and decision of the nation will save the nation". Erzurum Congress is the first step in this regard. At the Erzurum Congress, which consisted of representatives of our eastern provinces: “It is accepted that the Turkish homeland is an indivisible whole and that the east is a part of this whole.” 19

With the Sivas Congress, the integrity of the nation and the country and the nobility of our National Struggle are declared to the world. With the first article of the Sivas Congress Declaration: “1. Article - The National Pact is determined by saying that the part of the homeland remaining within our borders on October 30, 1918 is a whole and the Islamic citizens living in this country are an indivisible whole. On October 28, 1918, which we mentioned before, the Sanjak of Iskenderun - Hatay and its annexes - was within our borders. The inhabitants of the region were Turks; Hatay was also a Turkish homeland.

With the events that developed in the course of time, the National Pact got stronger and walked towards its goal. As a matter of fact, with the Moscow Treaty signed between the Government of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey and Russia on March 16, 1921, the Soviets accepted the following: “With the word of Turkey, the Pact, which was prepared by the Parliament of Parliament convened in Istanbul on January 28, 1920 and announced to all states and the press. The lands covered by the -ı Milli are understood. Thus, the National Pact entered into an international agreement concretely.” 21

In addition, in the 6th article of the Ankara Agreement signed with France on October 20, 1921, there is a statement stating that the National Pact was recognized. 22 According to this statement, Iskenderun will remain within the borders of Syria; A special administration will be established here and all kinds of facilities will be used to develop the Turkish national culture. The official language will be Turkish. Despite the fact that France withdrew from Anatolia and remained in Syria, the national cultural conditions accepted for Iskenderun are nothing but the recognition of the National Pact.23 Mustafa Kemal Pasha, on January 1922: “... terms of peace have been known to the world since 28 January 1920, the day of the declaration of the National Pact.

Mustafa Kemal Pasha, after the liberation of Izmir, spoke to the French general Pelle: “I cannot do without the places mentioned in the National Pact. I will not occupy more” 25 he said.

It is possible to multiply more examples on this subject. We will take the following meeting Mustafa Kemal Pasha had with the American journalist Issac F. Marcosson. In this meeting, Mustafa Kemal Pasha says: “... The ideal of the United States is also our ideal. Our National Pact announced by the Grand National Assembly in January 1920 is very similar to your Declaration of Independence. He just wants the Turkish country to get rid of the invasion and to control its own destiny... It is the Pact, the Constitution of our people. And we are determined to protect this Pact at all costs.”26 Thus, Mustafa Kemal Pasha boldly defends that Hatay is within the national borders once again in the light of science, under the guidance of reason and in the immortality of right; openly to the world.

TURNING SEMESTER: Lausanne

In 1921, Deputy Foreign Minister Bekir Sami signed an agreement with the French Prime Minister Briand while he was in France. Article 6 of this is: "France will follow a special regime here, as there is a large number of Turkish elements in the Alexandria and Antakya regions, it will not prevent the development of Turkish culture and the official language will be Turkish." This article was accepted almost exactly in the Ankara Agreement. 27 This is the most important item. The rescue of Hatay was ensured based on this article.

The Ankara Agreement signed with Franklin Bouillon on October 20, 1921 is almost the same as the agreement signed by Bekir Sami Bey four months ago. After long discussions in Lausanne, this article remained as it was. As it will be well remembered, the provisions of the Armistice of Mudros began to be violated within a few days. Iskenderun Sanjak was occupied by the French advancing from Syria to Anatolia. Thus, a National Struggle front was formed in Hatay, as in many other places. At the time of signing the Ankara Agreement, a delegation headed by Tayfur Sökmen Bey, who was elected president after the parliamentary elections, arrives in Ankara; They meet with Mustafa Kemal Pasha. Hatay is requested to be within the borders of the National Pact. Mustafa Kemal Pasha told the delegation: “I know the aim and aim of the struggles in Hatay. We have been following these struggles since the first day and we support them as much as we can. Hatay is already within our National Pact.”28

It is a fact that, until I went to Lausanne, the National Pact had been realized to a large extent. However, Western Thrace, Hatay, Mosul and Kirkuk were in trouble. Here, we will only focus on the Hatay problem that we are describing. In fact, in Lausanne, Turkey's national borders would be determined; would approve of full independence within these limits. As it is known, Hatay remained outside our national borders in Lausanne; The border between Syria and Türkiye was determined. According to the Ankara Agreement, a mixed commission was to be established one month after the signing of this Agreement to definitively draw the Turkey-Syria border. The commission could only be established in 1925. Disagreements arose over the demarcation of borders. Turkey entered into direct negotiations with France and made a Friendship and Good Neighborhood Agreement. Although this was only initialed on February 18, 1926, It was waited until the Turkish - British - Mosul issue was resolved. It was signed in 1926, six days before the resolution. 29

Atatürk says in his Great Speech: “The borders of Ankara Agreement of 20 October 1921 in Lausanne remained as they were”30. Meanwhile, while the Lausanne Conference was going on, the Antakya-Iskenderun and Neighborhood Defense of Rights Society was officially established on 30 May 1923.31

FIFTH PERIOD: Hatay in the Republican Era

The Hatay problem, which I have presented so far, will again constitute a struggle. This rightful and real struggle of Atatürk will result in success. The basis for the struggle in this period will be found in Mustafa Kemal Pasha's statement: “Forty centuries old Turkish homeland cannot remain in the hands of the enemy”32. Hatay is now in the heart of Atatürk. Hatay, which was a homeland of Turks for centuries and still inhabited by Turks, could not live separately as a part of the Turkish homeland and the Turkish nation. National unity could not remain separate from unity and national structure. Evaluating the internal and external situation in a very accurate and effective manner, Atatürk would wait for the day and hour to have this fact confirmed by the world in the course of history. Hatay would definitely gain independence first and then take its honorable place in national unity as an indivisible part of the Turkish homeland.

Atatürk did not forget for a moment the promise he made to Tayfur Sökmen on this issue. More precisely, he did not forget Hatay and the people of Hatay, who are Turkish in everything. He waited for the young Republic, who had just come out of the war, to regain some sense. The world situation on the one hand and the domestic situation on the other demanded it. He also had to watch over time and opportunities. In the 1936 elections, he had Tayfur Sökmen elected as an independent deputy from Antalya. His relatives ask, "Why Antalya instead of Adana or Antep?" Atatürk: "When the day comes, we will replace the letter (L) with the letter (K). Thus, Antalya will become Antakya.”33 Around this time, the name of the “Iskenderun and Antakya Auxiliary Society” in Istanbul was changed; It becomes the "Hatay Sovereignty Society". Atatürk had a branch of the Association opened in Dörtyol. This branch had Tayfur Sökmen, an independent deputy from Antalya, make a speech. The French are very offended by this speech. To Atatürk: “... One of your MPs on our border made a speech in a way that provoked the people against us. This is against friendship,” they complain. Atatürk said: “That deputy is independent. Our Constitution gives independent deputies the right to speak wherever and however they want”34 responds. Evaluating the situation in 1936, our political historian Prof. Dr. Fahir Armaoğlu: “... In the 1936 Agreement, which gave independence to Syria and established an alliance between Syria and France, there was no provision about the Iskenderun Sanjak. In other words, • While France was withdrawing from Syria, it was leaving its authority over Sanjak to Syria. On this occasion, the Turkish Government did not accept the situation. During the League of Nations meeting, in September, When the talks with France in Geneva did not show a favorable development, in an official note we gave to France on October 9, 1936, we demanded that the Iskenderun Sanjak be given independence, as was the case with Syria.” 35

Atatürk, November 1, 1936 In his speeches at the opening of the Turkish Grand National Assembly: “... Meanwhile, a major issue that occupies our nation day and night is the destiny of Iskenderun -Antakya and its environs, the true owner of which is Turkish. We have to take this seriously and definitely. This is the only big issue between us and France, to which we always attach great importance to friendship. Those who know the truth of this matter and those who love the truth understand the severity and sincerity of our relationship and see it as natural”36. At this time, the Government of Leon Blum in France was promising independence to Syria. If this happened, what would be the situation of Hatay? Atatürk, who sees the future very well, in a conversation with the French ambassador: “... I am not crazy about growing land. I am not in the habit of disturbing the peace. However, I am the claimant of our Covenant right. I can't if I don't get it. I promised my nation from the rostrum of the Grand National Assembly, I will take Hatay. My people believe what I say. If I do not keep my promise, I cannot appear before him. I can't stay put. I've never been defeated, I'm not defeated. If I'm defeated, I won't be able to live a minute. Knowing this and thinking that I will certainly fulfill my promise, please inform and confirm my friendship.”37 As can be seen, the Hatay issue was on the stage with all its realities. For the mighty Leader who believed and trusted in himself and his nation, it was a road of no return. Believing that the right is the right, not the strong, Atatürk would resolve the Hatay case in the most just way. If I'm defeated, I won't be able to live a minute. Knowing this and thinking that I will certainly fulfill my promise, please inform and confirm my friendship.”37 As can be seen, the Hatay issue was on the stage with all its realities. For the mighty Leader who believed and trusted in himself and his nation, it was a road of no return. Believing that the right is the right, not the strong, Atatürk would resolve the Hatay case in the most just way. If I'm defeated, I won't be able to live a minute. Knowing this and thinking that I will certainly fulfill my promise, please inform and confirm my friendship.”37 As can be seen, the Hatay issue was on the stage with all its realities. For the mighty Leader who believed and trusted in himself and his nation, it was a road of no return. Believing that the right is the right, not the strong, Atatürk would resolve the Hatay case in the most just way.

Saying, “... a direction of peace that aims at the security of Turkey and is not against any nation, will be our permanent principle.”38 Atatürk has always remained loyal to his view: “... Getting along well with neighbors and all states is the basis of Turkey's politics”39. He wanted sincere and real peace. Wherever injustices were, he was always against him. That is why: “... The aim of peace at home and peace in the world, which is one of the most fundamental principles of the Turkish Republic, must be the most essential factor in the prosperity and progress of humanity and civilization. It is an act of pride for us to have served and rendered this as much as we could.”40 He believed that everything could be settled through negotiations in good faith. As a matter of fact: “... International disputes can only be resolved in good faith and in the name of public interest.

Hatay occupies the most important place in domestic and foreign policy. The Turkish public has also embraced the case; For Atatürk, it comes first. As a matter of fact: “... This is my personal matter. I made the situation clear to the ambassador from the very beginning. In this world situation, it is absolutely impossible for such an issue to be dragged into an armed conflict between Turkey and France. But I've taken that into account as well. I've made my decision. If there is a one-in-a-thousand chance on the horizon, I will withdraw from the Presidency of Turkey and even from membership in the Grand National Assembly. I will enter Hatay with a few friends who will join me as an individual. I will continue to fight hand in hand with those there”42.

It will no longer be an obstacle. For this reason, in a soiree to the French ambassador: “Hatay is my personal cause. You should know that it will not be a joke” 43 says. This statement is sincere. There is neither a threat, nor a recklessness, nor an adventure or reckoning, because Atatürk did what he said, wherever, on the day and time.

As it is known, the Hatay issue was transferred to the League of Nations for a while. We wanted Hatay to be given independence. The League of Nations, meeting in Geneva on January 27, 1937, accepted the independence of Hatay. First, it decided to determine the majority of the population with an election. Atatürk sent a telegram to the Prime Minister: “... The Republic of Turkey has always wanted the cause of the Republic of Turkey, which it believes to be right, to have a large and fair arbitral tribunal, and to which he hoped that this title and authority would have the highest power and strength in the case of more difficult issues. He made a right move on behalf of humanity by leaving it to the . In this way, it is only worthy of appreciation and congratulations for having performed a high duty on behalf of civilization." 44

At this time, Atatürk was very ill, but despite everything, he was determined to settle the Hatay issue, he was determined. His confidence in himself, his nation, his army and the heroic people of Hatay was extremely high. He had a very good assessment of the world situation. He was convinced that the French could not risk a war for an Iskenderun Sanjak. 45

Our attempts with France were of no use. We withdrew from the League of Nations. Atatürk got up from his sick bed; It wasn't getting up, it was like jumping. He went to Mersin and Adana. He felt the pulse of his nation and army once again; they were all ready. His strength and confidence increased. The French representative could not accept the entry into force of the League of Nations resolution; some events were happening. Thereupon, on 30 November 1937, Atatürk made the following statement to Ulus newspaper regarding Hatay: If he has received it, I will substantiate it by saying it's a pity. Because such a mentality is necessary for the state and future of high friendship relations between states.

The French understood that Atatürk could take Hatay by force of arms. Taking this into account, they wanted to make a military agreement; This deal has been done. According to Atatürk, war should not have been fought unless it was vital. With this military agreement, a neutral election was accepted in Hatay. In order to achieve this purpose, it was decided that some of the military forces would enter Hatay. Our troops under the command of the late General, Staff Colonel at that time, Şükrü Kanatlı, entered Hatay. Elections were held on 13 August; The Turks won the majority of the parliament. Thus, the independent Republic of Hatay was established on September 12, 1938. This Republic, too, took the decision to join Turkey on June 30, 1939. Hatay, which is an indivisible and indispensable part of the motherland, has become integrated with the motherland.

As we have seen from the beginning, Hatay is the powerful work of Atatürk's political and military genius. It is the true proof of his invincibility. It is once again proclaiming the supremacy of the right to the world; it is also a reminder of the duties of those who rule nations before they get caught up in an upcoming world war. Atatürk's "Peace at home, peace in the world!" The Hatay issue has clearly shown how it is deeply committed to the principle. There are many great lessons that can be learned today and tomorrow for the rulers of the world states who did not take lessons from Atatürk yesterday. As long as we believe in his vast genius, his love for humanity, we sincerely give heart.

1 Ali Fuat Cebesoy, Sınıf Arkadaşım Atatürk, s. 86.

2 a.g.e., s. 70-72.

3 a.g.e., s. 108.

4 a.g.e., s. 114-117.

5 Atatürk’ün Tamim, Telgraf ve Beyannameleri, c. IV, s. 5.

6 Harp Akademileri Komutanlığı, Atatürk’ün Jeopolitik ve Stratejik Görüşleri, s. 108.

7 a.g.e., s. 107.

8 a.g.e., s. 107.

9 a.g.e., s. 108.

10 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Kronolojisi, s. 1.

11 Harp Akademileri Komutanlığı, Atatürk’ün Jeopolitik ve Stratejik Görüşleri, s. 108.

12 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Kronolojisi, s. 2.

13 Harp Akademileri Komutanlığı, Atatürk’ün Jeopolitik ve Stratejik Görüşleri, s. 112.

14 Atatürk’ün Tamim, Telgraf ve Beyannameleri, c. IV, s. 14-15.

15 a.g.e., s. 15.

16 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Kronolojisi, s. 3.

17 Atatürk’ün Tamim, Telgraf ve Beyannameleri, c. IV, s. 20.

18 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Kronolojisi, s. 5.

19 Ahmet Mumcu, Misak-ı Millî ve Anayasamız, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, c. I, sayı: 3, s. 820.

20 Atatürk’ün Tamim, Telgraf ve Beyannameleri, c. IV, s. 90.

21 Ahmet Mumcu, Misak-ı Millî ve Anasayamız, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, c. I, sayı: 3, s. 824.

22 a.g.e., s. 825.

23 Fahir Armaoğlu, XX. Yüzyıl Siyasî Tarihi, s. 320.

24 Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk ve Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Tarihi Kronolojisi, s. 307.

25 Hikmet Bayur, XX. Yüzyılda Türklüğün Tarih ve Acun Siyasası Üzerindeki Etkileri, s. 290.

26 Ergun Özbudun, Türkiye’nin Kurtuluş Yıllarında Bir Yabancı Gazetecinin Ankara Yolcuğu ve Atatürk’le Görüşmesi, Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Dergisi, c. I, sayı: 1, s. 180.

27 Tahsin Ünal, Türk Siyasî Tarihi, s. 571,

28 a.g.e., s. 575.

29 Fahir Armaoğlu, XX. Yüzyıl Siyasî Tarihi, s. 323-324.

30 Atatürk, Nutuk, Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi, Ankara 1984, s. 1003.

31 Tayfur Sökmen, Hatay’ın Kurtuluşu îçin Harcanan Çabalar, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayını, Ankara 1978.

32 İsmail Habib Sevük, Atatürk İçin, s. 27.

33 Tahsin Ünal, Türk Siyasî Tarihi, s. 575.

34 a.g.e., s. 576.

35 Fahir Armaoğlu, XX. Yüzyıl Siyasî Tarihi, s. 348.

36 Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, c. I, s. 337.

37 Ruşen Eşref Ünaydın, Hatıralar, s. 5-6.

38 Atatürk’ün Söylev ve Demeçleri, c. I, s. 356.